国芳多语对照文库:[拉英汉三语对照]《高卢战记》(凯撒) Commentaries on the Gallic War by Julius Caesar
  
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解密目标语言:英语
Language to be decoded:  English

解密辅助语言:汉语
Auxiliary Language :  Chinese

解密文本:《高卢战记》  [ 古罗马 ]   尤利乌斯·凯撒 著

Commentarii de Bello Gallico

Julius Caesar

  Commentaries on the Gallic War
by Julius Caesar
iPad版(iPad Version)

第一卷(Part 1)   ||   第二卷(Part 2)   ||   第三卷(Part 3)   ||   第四卷(Part 4)   ||   第五卷(Part 5)   ||   第六卷(Part 6)   ||   第七卷(Part 7)   ||   第八卷(Part 8 )


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Book 1

 

第一卷

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 —一
12 一二
13 一三
14 一四
15 一五
16 一六
17 一七
18 一八
19 一九
20  二〇
21 二一
22 二二
23 二三
24 二四
25 二五
26 二六
27 二七
28 二八
29 二九
30  三〇
31 三一
32 三二
33 三三
34 三四
35 三五
36 三六
37 三七
38 三八
39 三九
40 四十
41 四一
42 四二
43 四三
44 四四
45 四五
46 四六
47 四七
48 四八
49 四九
50  五〇
51 五一
52 五二
53 五三
54 五四



1

All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the Belgae inhabit, the Aquitani another, those who in their own language are called Celts, in ours Gauls, the third. All these differ from each other in language, customs and laws. The river Garonne separates the Gauls from the Aquitani; the Marne and the Seine separate them from the Belgae. Of all these, the Belgae are the bravest, because they are furthest from the civilization and refinement of [our] Province, and merchants least frequently resort to them, and import those things which tend to effeminate the mind; and they are the nearest to the Germans, who dwell beyond the Rhine, with whom they are continually waging war; for which reason the Helvetii also surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor, as they contend with the Germans in almost daily battles, when they either repel them from their own territories, or themselves wage war on their frontiers. One part of these, which it has been said that the Galli occupy, takes its beginning at the river Rhône; it is bounded by the river Garonne, the ocean, and the territories of the Belgae; it borders, too, on the side of the Sequani and the Helvetii, upon the river Rhine, and stretches toward the north. The Belgae rises from the extreme frontier of Gaul, extend to the lower part of the river Rhine; and look toward the north and the rising sun. Aquitania extends from the river Garonne to the Pyrenaean mountains and to that part of the ocean which is near Spain: it looks between the setting of the sun, and the north star.

            

高卢全境分为三部分,其中一部分住着比尔及人,另一部分住着阿奎丹尼人,而那些用他们自己的话来说叫克勒特人、我们称之为高卢人的,住在第三部分。所有这些人,彼此之间的语言、习俗和法律,各不相同。高卢人跟阿奎丹尼人接界的这一边,由加隆纳河分隔着,跟比尔及人接界的这一边,由马特隆纳河和塞广纳河分隔着。所有这些人中,最勇悍的是比尔及人,因为他们离开行省的文明和教化最远,并且也是商贩们往来最少、那些使人萎靡不振的东西输入也最少的地方;再则还因为他们离开住在莱茵河对岸的日耳曼人最近,在跟他们不断作战的缘故。也就是为了这原因,高卢人中的厄尔维几族,就勇武而论,远超过高卢的其他各族,因为他们差不多天天在和日耳曼人作战,不是抵抗他们侵入自己的国境,就是自己侵人到他们的领域中去作战。那三部分中,已经说过由高卢人住着的那一部分,从罗唐纳斯河起,四周分别为加隆纳河、大洋和比尔及人的疆域所限,另外在塞广尼人和厄尔维几人的这一面,又跟莱茵河相接,方向是朝着北斗星的。比尔及人的领土从高卢的极边开始,一直抵达莱茵河的下游部分,面对着北斗星和日出的一面。阿奎丹尼人住着的那一部分起于加隆纳河,直达比利牛斯山和靠着西班牙的大洋,面向着日落的一方和北斗之间。




2

Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the most distinguished and wealthy. He, when Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were consuls,[1] incited by lust of sovereignty, formed a conspiracy among the nobility, and persuaded the people to go forth from their territories with all their possessions, [saying] that it would be very easy, since they excelled all in valor, to acquire the supremacy of the whole of Gaul. To this he the more easily persuaded them, because the Helvetii are confined on every side by the nature of their situation; on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep river, which separates the Helvetian territory from the Germans; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, which is [situated] between the Sequani and the Helvetii; on a third by the Lake of Geneva, and by the river Rhône, which separates our Province from the Helvetii. From these circumstances it resulted, that they could range less widely, and could less easily make war upon their neighbors; for which reason men fond of war [as they were] were affected with great regret. They thought, that considering the extent of their population, and their renown for warfare and bravery, they had but narrow limits, although they extended in length 240, and in breadth 180 [Roman] miles.

            

厄尔维几人中最显赫、最富有的是奥尔及托列克斯。在马古斯•梅萨拉和马古斯•毕索任执政官的那一年,他出于篡夺王位的野心,在贵族中策划了一个阴谋,劝诱自己的本国人带着他们的全部资财,离开自己的领土。他说:因为他们的勇武超过所有一切人,所以要取得全高卢的霸权,是件极为容易的事。要说服他们这样做原本不难,因为厄尔维几人的国土,四周都被大自然限制着,一面是极竞极深的莱茵河,把厄尔维几人的领土与日耳曼人隔开;另一面又是高峻异常的汝拉山,盘亘在塞广尼人和厄尔维几人之间;第三面是勒茫纳斯湖和罗唐纳斯河,把厄尔维几人和我们的行省隔开着。在这种环境中,他们活动起来自然不能太宽敞,就要攻击邻邦也不很容易,因而使他们这种好战成性的人,感到非常苦恼。所以,尽管他们的领土广表差不多已达二百四十罗里长、一百八十罗里宽,但他们认为对他们这样人口众多、武功值赫而又勇敢过人的人来说,它还是嫌太狭小了。




3

Induced by these considerations, and influenced by the authority of Orgetorix, they determined to provide such things as were necessary for their expedition—to buy up as great a number as possible of beasts of burden and wagons—to make their sowings as large as possible, so that on their march plenty of corn might be in store-and to establish peace and friendship with the neighboring states. They reckoned that a term of two years would be sufficient for them to execute their designs; they fix by decree their departure for the third year. Orgetorix is chosen to complete these arrangements. He took upon himself the office of embassador to the states: on this journey he persuades Casticus, the son of Catamantaloedes (one of the Sequani, whose father had possessed the sovereignty among the people for many years, and had been styled "friend" by the senate of the Roman people), to seize upon the sovereignty in his own state, which his father had held before him, and he likewise persuades Dumnorix, an Aeduan, the brother of Diviciacus, who at that time possessed the chief authority in the state, and was exceedingly beloved by the people, to attempt the same, and gives him his daughter in marriage. He proves to them that to accomplish their attempts was a thing very easy to be done, because he himself would obtain the government of his own state; that there was no doubt that the Helvetii were the most powerful of the whole of Gaul; he assures them that he will, with his own forces and his own army, acquire the sovereignty for them. Incited by this speech, they give a pledge and oath to one another, and hope that, when they have seized the sovereignty, they will, by means of the three most powerful and valiant nations, be enabled to obtain possession of the whole of Gaul.

            

由于这些因素的刺激,再加上奥尔及托列克斯的势力一煽动,他们就决定预备启程出发所需要的东西,尽可能地收买大量的牲口和车辆,又多多益善地播种了大量谷物,以便旅途中有充裕的粮食供应,还和邻近的各邦建立了和平与友谊。他们认为两年时间就足以完成这些准备,因而用法律规定在第三年出发。奥尔及托列克斯被选出来负责筹备这些事情,他就自己担起了到别国出使的任务。在这次旅途中,他说服了塞广尼人卡泰孟塔罗第斯的儿子卡司几克斯(他的父亲曾经担任塞广尼国王多年,罗马元老院赠给过他“罗马人民之友”的称号),叫他去攫取他父亲以前执掌过的本国王位。同样,他又说服了爱杜依人杜诺列克斯——他是当时执掌他们国家大权、很受百姓爱戴的狄维契阿古斯的弟弟——做同样的事情,还把自己的女儿嫁给他做妻子。他使他们相信,这是极容易做到的事情,因为他本人也将取得自己本国的大权,毫无疑问,厄尔维几人是全高卢最强有力的国家,他保证一定会用他的资财和他的军队,帮他们取得王位。受了这种话引诱,他们互相表白了诚意,设下了盟誓。他们希望在取得政权后,就能以这最有力、最坚强的三个族的力量,占据全高卢。




4

When this scheme was disclosed to the Helvetii by informers, they, according to their custom, compelled Orgetorix to plead his cause in chains; it was the law that the penalty of being burned by fire should await him if condemned. On the day appointed for the pleading of his cause, Orgetorix drew together from all quarters to the court, all his vassals to the number of ten thousand persons; and led together to the same place all his dependents and debtor-bondsmen, of whom he had a great number; by means of those he rescued himself from [the necessity of] pleading his cause. While the state, incensed at this act, was endeavoring to assert its right by arms, and the magistrates were mustering a large body of men from the country, Orgetorix died; and there is not wanting a suspicion, as the Helvetii think, of his having committed suicide.

            

这事情遭到了告发,被厄尔维几人知道了。依照他们的习惯,该让奥尔及托列克斯戴着镣铐,听受审问,如果他被判有罪,随着便应该受火焚之刑。在预定审讯的那天,奥尔及托列克斯把他所有的家属都从各地召到审判的地方来,数达万人之多,他还把数目同样很大的全部被保护人和债户都召了来。就依靠这些人,他才逃了过去,没受到审问。当国家被他这种手段所激怒,准备用武力来行使自己的权力,首领们从四乡召集起大批人来时,奥尔及托列克斯却在此时忽然死去,据厄尔维几人猜测,绝不是没有自杀的嫌疑的。




5

After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless attempt to do that which they had resolved on, namely, to go forth from their territories. When they thought that they were at length prepared for this undertaking, they set fire to all their towns, in number about twelve-to their villages about four hundred-and to the private dwellings that remained; they burn up all the corn, except what they intend to carry with them; that after destroying the hope of a return home, they might be the more ready for undergoing all dangers. They order every one to carry forth from home for himself provisions for three months, ready ground. They persuade the Rauraci, and the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, their neighbors, to adopt the same plan, and after burning down their towns and villages, to set out with them: and they admit to their party and unite to themselves as confederates the Boii, who had dwelt on the other side of the Rhine, and had crossed over into the Norican territory, and assaulted Noreia.

            

他死后,厄尔维几人对离乡它迁的计划,仍旧毫不松懈地作着准备。最后,当他们认为一切准备工作都已就绪时,就烧掉自己所有的十二个市镇,四百个村庄,以及其余的私人建筑物。他们除了随身携带的粮食以外,把其余的也都烧掉,这样,便把所有回家的希望断绝干净,只有拼命冒受一切危险去了。他们又命令各自从家里、带足够三个月用的磨好的粮食上路。他们劝诱他们的邻居劳拉契人、都林忌人和拉多比契人采取同样的措施,也烧掉自己的市镇和村落,和他们一起出发。他们还接受一向住在莱茵河以外、后来过河来侵入诺列克、并攻击诺累耶的波依人。作为参加自己这个联盟的人。




6

There were in all two routes, by which they could go forth from their country one through the Sequani narrow and difficult, between Mount Jura and the river Rhone (by which scarcely one wagon at a time could be led; there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a very few might easily intercept them), the other, through our Province, much easier and freer from obstacles, because the Rhône flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii and those of the Allobroges, who had lately been subdued, and is in some places crossed by a ford. The furthest town of the Allobroges, and the nearest to the territories of the Helvetii, is Geneva. From this town a bridge extends to the Helvetii. They thought that they should either persuade the Allobroges, because they did not seem as yet well-affected toward the Roman people, or compel them by force to allow them to pass through their territories. Having provided every thing for the expedition, they appoint a day, on which they should all meet on the bank of the Rhone. This day was the fifth before the kalends of April.[2] in the consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius.[3]

            

他们要离开自己的家乡,一共只有两条路可走。一条通过塞广尼人的领域,在汝拉山和罗唐纳斯河之间,是条狭窄而又崎岖的道路,单列的车辆通过都很勉强,还有一座极高的山俯临着它,因此只要很少人就可阻挡他们。另一条路要通过我们的行省,比较平坦和便利,那奔流在厄尔维几人和新被罗马人征服的阿罗布洛及斯人领域之间的罗唐纳斯河,也有几处浅滩可以涉渡。阿罗布洛及斯人境内最边远、距厄尔维几人也最近的市镇是日内瓦,这个市镇上有一座伸到厄尔维几人那一边的桥梁。他们认为那些新被罗马人征服的阿罗布洛及斯人,对罗马人还不一定太有好感,也许可以说服他们借一条路给自己通过他们的领土,不然就用武力强迫他们这样做。因此在已经准备好一切出发用的东西之后,他们就约定一日,大家都赶到罗唐纳斯河上会齐。这一天是三月甘八日,正是卢契乌斯•毕索和奥卢斯。盖平纽斯任执政官的那一年。




7

When it was reported to Caesar that they were attempting to make their route through our Province he hastens to set out from the city, and, by as great marches as he can, proceeds to Further Gaul, and arrives at Geneva. He orders the whole Province [to furnish] as great a number of soldiers as possible, as there was in all only one legion in Further Gaul: he orders the bridge at Geneva to be broken down. When the Helvetii are apprized of his arrival they send to him, as embassadors, the most illustrious men of their state (in which embassy Nammeius and Verucloetius held the chief place), to say "that it was their intention to march through the Province without doing any harm, because they had" [according to their own representations,] "no other route: that they requested, they might be allowed to do so with his consent." Caesar, inasmuch as he kept in remembrance that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain,[4] and his army routed and made to pass under the yoke by the Helvetii, did not think that [their request] ought to be granted: nor was he of opinion that men of hostile disposition, if an opportunity of marching through the Province were given them, would abstain from outrage and mischief. Yet, in order that a period might intervene, until the soldiers whom he had ordered [to be furnished] should assemble, he replied to the ambassadors, that he would take time to deliberate; if they wanted any thing, they might return on the day before the ides of April.[5]

            

当这事报告给了凯撒,说他们企图取道通过罗马行省时,他迅速离开罗马,以尽可能快的速度赶向外高卢,到达日内瓦。当时外高卢一共只有一个军团兵力,他命令在全省多多益善地征召军队,并命令把通向日内瓦的那座桥拆掉。当厄尔维几人确知他已到来之后,他们把国内最尊贵的人派到他这里来做使者,其中居于领袖地位的是南梅友斯和维卢克洛久斯。他们说。他们的目的只是想借道穿过行省,绝不作任何伤害,因为除了这条路以外,再没别的路可走,求他答应他们的要求。凯撒想起执政官卢契乌斯•卡休斯曾经被厄尔维几人杀死,他的军队也在被击溃以后,被迫钻了轭门,因此认为决不可答应他们的要求,也不相信象他们这种心怀恶意的人,如果给了他们通过行省的机会,能不肆意踩蹈和破坏。但为了要取得一段间歇的时间,好让自己新征召的部队集中,他就回答使者说:他要化几天时间考虑一下,如果他们希望得到答复,可以在四月十三日再来。




8

Meanwhile, with the legion which he had with him and the soldiers which had assembled from the Province, he carries along for nineteen [Roman, not quite eighteen English] miles a wall, to the height of sixteen feet, and a trench, from the Lake of Geneva, which flows into the river Rhone, to Mount Jura, which separates the territories of the Sequani from those of the Helvetii. When that work was finished, he distributes garrisons, and closely fortifies redoubts, in order that he may the more easily intercept them, if they should attempt to cross over against his will. When the day which he had appointed with the embassadors came, and they returned to him; he says, that he can not, consistently with the custom and precedent of the Roman people, grant any one a passage through the Province; and he gives them to understand, that, if they should attempt to use violence he would oppose them. The Helvetii, disappointed in this hope, tried if they could force a passage (some by means of a bridge of boats and numerous rafts constructed for the purpose; others, by the fords of the Rhone, where the depth of the river was least, sometimes by day, but more frequently by night), but being kept at bay by the strength of our works, and by the concourse of the soldiers, and by the missiles, they desisted from this attempt.

            

同时,他利用在自己身边的那个军团,以及由行省征集起来的军队,从流入罗唐纳斯河的勒茫纳斯湖开始,至分隔塞广尼和厄尔维几领土的汝拉山为止,造了一条高十六罗尺的城墙和壕堑,长达十九罗里。这工程完成后,他布置了防御部队,给堡垒也设置了守卫,以便在敌人不问他愿意与否强行渡河时,能够方便地阻止他们。当他和使者们约定的那天到来时,使者们回到他这里。他拒绝他们说:按照罗马人的习惯和前例,他不能允许给任何人一条穿过行省的通道。而且表示,如果他们企图蛮干的话,他是要用武力阻止的。厄尔维几人这个打算落空后,有的就用联起来的船只和结扎在一起的大批木筏、有的就在罗唐纳斯河的浅滩水不深的地方,试探着强行涉渡过来,有时就在白天,更多的是在夜间。但由于一系列的防御工事和迅速集中到那边的军队、矢矛,他们被迫放弃了这个企图。




9

There was left one way, [namely] through the Sequani, by which, on account of its narrowness, they could not pass without the consent of the Sequani. As they could not of themselves prevail on them, they send embassadors to Dumnorix the Aeduan, that through his intercession, they might obtain their request from the Sequani. Dumnorix, by his popularity and liberality, had great influence among the Sequani, and was friendly to the Helvetii, because out of that state he had married the daughter of Orgetorix; and, incited by lust of sovereignty, was anxious for a revolution, and wished to have as many states as possible attached to him by his kindness toward them. He, therefore, undertakes the affair, and prevails upon the Sequani to allow the Helvetii to march through their territories, and arranges that they should give hostages to each other-the Sequani not to obstruct the Helvetii in their march-the Helvetii, to pass without mischief and outrage.

            

此外,还留下一条穿过塞广尼的道路,但因为这条路极狭窄,如果塞广尼人不同意,就无法通过。当他们自己没法说服塞广尼人时,就派使者到爱杜依人杜诺列克斯那边去,企图通过他的居间调停,使塞广尼人同意他们的要求。因为杜诺列克斯由于本身的人望和慷慨,在塞广尼人中有极高的威信,同时又娶了厄尔维几族中的奥尔及托列克斯的女儿为妻,所以对厄尔维几人也很友好;加之他那篡夺王位的野心又在引诱着他,极盼望有什么事故发生,而且很希望能以自己的恩惠笼络住愈多愈好的国家,所以他接受了这件事,说服塞广尼人让厄尔维几人通过他们的领土,并且商定双方交换人质,保证塞广尼人不阻止厄尔维几人的通行,厄尔维几人在路过时也不为非作歹,或者肆行破坏。




10

It is again told Caesar, that the Helvetii intended to march through the country of the Sequani and the Aedui into the territories of the Santones, which are not far distant from those boundaries of the Tolosates, which [viz. Tolosa, Toulouse] is a state in the Province. If this took place, he saw that it would be attended with great danger to the Province to have warlike men, enemies of the Roman people, bordering upon an open and very fertile tract of country. For these reasons he appointed Titus Labienus, his legate, to the command of the fortification which he had made. He himself proceeds to Italy by forced marches, and there levies two legions, and leads out from winter-quarters three which were wintering around Aquileia, and with these five legions marches rapidly by the nearest route across the Alps into Further Gaul. Here the Centrones and the Graioceli and the Caturiges, having taken possession of the higher parts, attempt to obstruct the army in their march. After having routed these in several battles, he arrives in the territories of the Vocontii in the Further Province on the seventh day from Ocelum, which is the most remote town of the Hither Province; thence he leads his army into the country of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges to the Segusiani. These people are the first beyond the Province on the opposite side of the Rhône.

            

凯撒得到消息说:厄尔维几人想通过塞广尼人和爱杜依人的领域,进入桑东尼人境内去,这是离开行省中的一个叫托洛萨得斯的邦已经不远的地方。他感到这件事将带给行省很大的危险,因为这样一来,就让这些好战成性、而且敌视罗马人民的人,成为一个既没设防、又富有谷物的地区的邻居了。为了这些理由,他留下副将拉频管斯坐镇他筑下的防御工事,自己急急赶往意大利,在那里征召起两个军团,又把正在阿奎来耶附近冬令营里息冬的三个军团带出来,就率领了这五个军团,拣最近便的道路,越过阿尔卑斯山,迅速赶向外高卢。在这个地区,有秋得隆内斯人、格来约契里人和卡都里及斯人占据了几处高地,企图阻止他的军队前进。在几次战斗中击败他们之后,在第七天上,他就离开了内高卢最边境上的奥契勒姆,进入外高卢的获孔几人领域。就在那边,他向阿罗布洛及斯人的地区前进,然后再从阿罗布洛及斯率领军队进抵塞古西阿维人领域,这是行省境外罗唐纳斯河对岸的第一个部落。




11

The Helvetii had by this time led their forces over through the narrow defile and the territories of the Sequani, and had arrived at the territories of the Aedui, and were ravaging their lands. The Aedui, as they could not defend themselves and their possessions against them, send embassadors to Caesar to ask assistance, [pleading] that they had at all times so well deserved of the Roman people, that their fields ought not to have been laid waste-their children carried off into slavery-their towns stormed, almost within sight of our army. At the same time the Ambarri, the friends and kinsmen of the Aedui, apprize Caesar, that it was not easy for them, now that their fields had been devastated, to ward off the violence of the enemy from their towns: the Allobroges likewise, who had villages and possessions on the other side of the Rhône, betake themselves in flight to Caesar, and assure him that they had nothing remaining, except the soil of their land. Caesar, induced by these circumstances, decides, that he ought not to wait until the Helvetii, after destroying all the property of his allies, should arrive among the Santones.

            

—一

在那时候,厄尔维几人已经带着他们的军队,穿过那条狭谷和塞广尼人的地界,到达爱杜依人的边境,在蹂躏着他们的田野。爱杜依人不能抵挡这些侵入者,为了保全自己的生命财产,就派使者到凯撒这里来求助。他们声称:爱杜依人一向是很对得起罗马人的,决不应该几乎就当着罗马军队的面,听任他们的土地被人家焚掠,孩子们被驱去做奴隶,市镇被人家攻占去。在这同时,爱杜依人的盟友和近族安巴利人也报告凯撒说:他们的田地已经遭到蹂躏,他们要保住自己的城镇不给敌人强占也很困难。同样,有村庄和田地在罗唐纳斯河对面的阿罗布洛及斯人也逃到凯撒这边来,肯定地对他说:他们已经除了空地之外,什么都不剩了。这些事情促使凯撒下定决心,决不再坐视厄尔维几人在毁尽罗马所有各盟邦的财富之后,窜进桑东尼人境内去。




12

There is a river [called] the Saône, which flows through the territories of the Aedui and Sequani into the Rhône with such incredible slowness, that it can not be determined by the eye in which direction it flows. This the Helvetii were crossing by rafts and boats joined together. When Caesar was informed by spies that the Helvetii had already conveyed three parts of their forces across that river, but that the fourth part was left behind on this side of the Saône, he set out from the camp with three legions during the third watch, and came up with that division which had not yet crossed the river. Attacking them encumbered with baggage, and not expecting him, he cut to pieces a great part of them; the rest betook themselves to flight, and concealed themselves in the nearest woods. That canton [which was cut down] was called the Tigurine; for the whole Helvetian state is divided into four cantons. This single canton having left their country, within the recollection of our fathers, had slain Lucius Cassius the consul, and had made his army pass under the yoke. Thus, whether by chance, or by the design of the immortal gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had brought a signal calamity upon the Roman people, was the first to pay the penalty. In this Caesar avenged not only the public but also his own personal wrongs, because the Tigurini had slain Lucius Piso the legate [of Cassius], the grandfather of Lucius Calpurnius Piso, his [Caesar's] father-in-law, in the same battle as Cassius himself.

            

一二

有一条河流叫做阿拉河,流经爱杜依和塞广尼的领域,进人罗唐纳斯河,水流滞缓得难于想象,凭眼睛几乎无法辨别它流向那一端去。厄尔维几人用联结在一起的木筏和船只,渡过这条河去。当凯撒接到侦察人员的报告说,厄尔维几人的部队四分之三已完全渡过,大约还有四分之一日在阿拉河这边时,他就在第三更带着三个军团离开营寨。直扑向敌人尚未渡河的那一部分。他在他们都身负重荷、摔不及防之中攻击他们,杀掉他们一大部分,其余的都四散逃走,躲进最近的森林里去。这一部分人叫几古林尼部,因为厄尔维几人全族共分为四个部分或部落,我们的父老犹能记忆,这一部分曾经单独离开过他们的本土,杀死了执政官卢契乌斯•卡休斯,迫使他的军队钻了轭门。这一役,不知是偶然凑巧还是不朽的神灵作的安排,曾经带给罗马人一场奇耻大辱的这个厄尔维几人的部落,首先遭受了惩罚。而且,除了国家的公仇之外,凯撒还一举两得地泄了私恨,因为几古林尼部在攻袭卡休斯的那一役中,还杀死了他的副将卢契乌斯。毕索,他就是凯撒的岳父卢契乌斯•卡尔普林穆斯•毕索的祖父。




13

This battle ended, that he might be able to come up with the remaining forces of the Helvetii, he procures a bridge to be made across the Saône, and thus leads his army over. The Helvetii, confused by his sudden arrival, when they found that he had effected in one day, what they, themselves had with the utmost difficulty accomplished in twenty namely, the crossing of the river, send embassadors to him; at the head of which embassy was Divico, who had been commander of the Helvetii, in the war against Cassius. He thus treats with Caesar:—that, "if the Roman people would make peace with the Helvetii they would go to that part and there remain, where Caesar might appoint and desire them to be; but if he should persist in persecuting them with war that he ought to remember both the ancient disgrace of the Roman people and the characteristic valor of the Helvetii. As to his having attacked one canton by surprise, [at a time] when those who had crossed the river could not bring assistance to their friends, that he ought not on that account to ascribe very much to his own valor, or despise them; that they had so learned from their sires and ancestors, as to rely more on valor than on artifice and stratagem. Wherefore let him not bring it to pass that the place, where they were standing, should acquire a name, from the disaster of the Roman people and the destruction of their army or transmit the remembrance [of such an event to posterity]."

            

一三

这场战斗完毕后,为了追击厄尔维几人的其余部队,他命令在阿拉河上造起一顶桥来,带着自己的军队渡了过去。他的突然到来,使厄尔维几人大为惊异,因为他们看到自己花了二十天时间才困难地渡过来的河流,凯撒却只花一天就过来了。他们就派使者来见他。这批使者的首领是狄维果,就是厄尔维几人攻袭卡休斯时的领袖。他对凯撒这样说:如果罗马人愿意和厄尔维几人讲和,他们愿意到凯撒所指定、并且要他们住下来的地方去。但是如果他坚持要战争,那末,他必须记住罗马人以前的灾难和厄尔维几人原先的勇敢。至于他趁他们冷不防的时候攻击了那个部落,这是因为当时已经过了河的那些人不能来援救他们同胞的缘故,决不可以因此便把自己的勇敢估计得太高,或者轻视起厄尔维几人来。他们从自己的父老和祖先那里学到的是:战争主要应当依靠勇为,不应该依靠阴谋诡计。所以,他千万不要让他们现在耽搁在这块地方,因为罗马人在这里遭到过灾难,军队受到过歼灭,从此声名远扬,流传到后代去。




14

To these words Caesar thus replied:—that "on that very account he felt less hesitation, because he kept in remembrance those circumstances which the Helvetian embassadors had mentioned, and that he felt the more indignant at them, in proportion as they had happened undeservedly to the Roman people: for if they had been conscious of having done any wrong, it would not have been difficult to be on their guard, but for that very reason had they been deceived, because neither were they aware that any offense had been given by them, on account of which they should be afraid, nor did they think that they ought to be afraid without cause. But even if he were willing to forget their former outrage, could he also lay aside the remembrance of the late wrongs, in that they had against his will attempted a route through the Province by force, in that they had molested the Aedui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges? That as to their so insolently boasting of their victory, and as to their being astonished that they had so long committed their outrages with impunity, [both these things] tended to the same point; for the immortal gods are wont to allow those persons whom they wish to punish for their guilt sometimes a greater prosperity and longer impunity, in order that they may suffer the more severely from a reverse of circumstances. Although these things are so, yet, if hostages were to be given him by them in order that he may be assured these will do what they promise, and provided they will give satisfaction to the Aedui for the outrages which they had committed against them and their allies, and likewise to the Allobroges, he [Caesar] will make peace with them." Divico replied, that "the Helvetii had been so trained by their ancestors, that they were accustomed to receive, not to give hostages; of that fact the Roman people were witness." Having given this reply, he withdrew.

            

一四

对这番话,凯撒的回答是这样的:正因为他牢牢地记住厄尔维几人所提起过的那些事情,所以才没有丝毫的犹豫。特别是那场灾难落到罗马人头上来,完全是飞来的横祸,所以才感到格外的沉痛。如果他们觉得自己做过什么伤害别人的勾当,本来也不难作好防备的,只是,他们却以为自己没做过什么须要戒惧的事情,就也没有要戒惧的理由,这才上了当、就算他愿意忘掉旧的仇怨吧,难道连那些新近的侵扰——他们没经过他同意就用武力强行通过行省、侵犯爱杜依人、安巴利人和阿罗布洛及斯人——也都能置之一旁吗?至于他们把自己的胜利吹嘘得那么神气,因为自己的作恶多端没受报应就感到诧异,这两者其实只说明一件事情:不朽的神灵因一个人的罪孽要给予惩罚时,常常先给他们一时的兴旺和比较长期的安宁,这样,他们才能在命运突然转变时感到格外惨痛。话虽如此,他们如果愿意给他人质,让他知道他们能保证履行自己的诺言,同时,如果他们自己和他们的同盟使爱杜依人和阿罗布洛及斯人受到的损害,都能得到赔偿,他还是愿意和他们讲和的。狄维果回答说:厄尔维几人从祖先起就定下了规矩,一向只接受别人的人质,从不把人质交给别人,罗马人自己就是这件事的证人。作了这样的回答后,就离去了。




15

On the following day they move their camp from that place; Caesar does the same, and sends forward all his cavalry, to the number of four thousand (which he had drawn together from all parts of the Province and from the Aedui and their allies), to observe toward what parts the enemy are directing their march. These, having too eagerly pursued the enemy's rear, come to a battle with the cavalry of the Helvetii in a disadvantageous place, and a few of our men fall. The Helvetii, elated with this battle, because they had with five hundred horse repulsed so large a body of horse, began to face us more boldly, sometimes too from their rear to provoke our men by an attack. Caesar [however] restrained his men from battle, deeming it sufficient for the present to prevent the enemy from rapine, forage, and depredation. They marched for about fifteen days in such a manner that there was not more than five or six miles between the enemy's rear and our van.

            

一五

次日,他们拔营离开那地方。凯撒也跟着离开,把他从全行省以及从爱社依人和他们的同盟那里集中来的全部骑兵,约达四千多人,全都派做前锋,观察敌人究竟向哪个方向进军。他们对敌人的后军钉得过分热心了些,竟在地形不利的地方跟厄尔维几人的骑兵交了一次手,我军损失了少数人。这场战斗鼓励了厄尔维几人,因为他们只用五百骑兵便驱走我军这么多骑兵,他们更放心大胆地在我军面前停留下来,屡次以他们的后军来撩拨我军,以求一战。凯撒约束自己的部下不准应战,他认为目前光只要牵制住敌人,不让他们劫掠、采收和破坏就够了。就这样继续行军了大约十五天,我军的前锋和敌人的后军,相距始终不超过五六罗里左右。




16

Meanwhile, Caesar kept daily importuning the Aedui for the corn which they had promised in the name of their state; for, in consequence of the coldness (Gaul, being as before said, situated toward the north), not only was the corn in the fields not ripe, but there was not in store a sufficiently large quantity even of fodder: besides he was unable to use the corn which he had conveyed in ships up the river Saône, because the Helvetii, from whom he was unwilling to retire had diverted their march from the Saône. The Aedui kept deferring from day to day, and saying that it was being collected&mdash'brought in—on the road." When he saw that he was put off too long, and that the day was close at hand on which he ought to serve out the corn to his soldiers;—having called together their chiefs, of whom he had a great number in his camp, among them Diviciacus and Liscus who was invested with the chief magistracy (whom the Aedui style the Vergobretus, and who is elected annually and has power of life or death over his countrymen), he severely reprimands them, because he is not assisted by them on so urgent an occasion, when the enemy were so close at hand, and when [corn] could neither be bought nor taken from the fields, particularly as, in a great measure urged by their prayers, he had undertaken the war; much more bitterly, therefore does he complain of his being forsaken.

            

一六

同时,凯撒每天都在催索爱杜依人以国家名义答应供应的粮食。由于天气寒冷——高卢的位置处在北方,前面已经说过——不仅田里的谷物没成熟,就连草料也没有充分供应;至于用船只溯阿拉河运上来的粮食,由于厄尔维几人所走的路已经离开了阿拉河,他又不愿意放掉他们不追,因此也没法再利用它。爱杜依人却一天一天只管拖延,一会儿说在征收了,一会又说在集中了或就在路上了等等。当凯撒看到自己实在被人家敷衍搪塞得太长久了,而该发粮食给军队的日子又已迫在眉睫时。他就召集起他们的领袖们——这些领袖有很多在他营里——其中有狄维契阿古斯,还有列司古斯,这是他们的最高首领,在人民中间掌握着生杀大权,爱杜依人称之为“执法官”,每年选举一次。凯撒很严厉地斥责他们,因为粮食买既买不到,田里也收不起,在这样紧迫的时机,敌人又这样靠近,他们竟不加以援助,特别因为这次战争,主要是由于他们的吁请才进行的,所以他才更加严厉地责备他们袖手旁观。




17

Then at length Liscus, moved by Caesar's speech, discloses what he had hitherto kept secret:—that there are some whose influences with the people is very great, who, though private men, have more power than the magistrates themselves: that these by seditions and violent language are deterring the populace from contributing the corn which they ought to supply; [by telling them] that, if they can not any longer retain the supremacy of Gaul, it were better to submit to the government of Gauls than of Romans, nor ought they to doubt that, if the Romans should overpower the Helvetii, they would wrest their freedom from the Aedui together with the remainder of Gaul. By these very men, [said he], are our plans and whatever is done in the camp, disclosed to the enemy; that they could not be restrained by him: nay more, he was well aware, that though compelled by necessity, he had disclosed the matter to Caesar, at how great a risk he had done it; and for that reason, he had been silent as long as he could."

            

一七

终于,列司古斯被凯撒的话打动了,把他一直隐瞒着的话都讲了出来。他说:有某些人,他们在平民中有极大的势力,他们虽不担任官职,却比官吏更有力量。他们在用煽动性的、傲慢的话阻止群众,不让他们把应交的粮食集中起来。他们这样说:如果爱杜依人自已不能再掌握高卢的霸权,那末,受高卢人的统治总比罗马人的统治好些;再也不该怀疑,如果罗马人一征服厄尔维几人,就会把爱杜依人和高卢其余各邦的自由,也一起剥夺掉的。也正是这些人,把我们营里的打算和一举一动,都去报告敌人,他自己实在无力阻止他们。他也很清楚,他虽然迫于形势,不得不把这些事情告诉凯撒,但他冒的风险是十分巨大的,就因为这缘故,他才能缄默多久就缄默多久的。




18

Caesar perceived that by this speech of Liscus, Dumnorix, the brother of Diviciacus, was indicated; but, as he was unwilling that these matters should be discussed while so many were present, he speedily dismisses: the council, but detains Liscus: he inquires from him when alone, about those things which he had said in the meeting. He [Liscus] speaks more unreservedly and boldly. He [Caesar] makes inquiries on the same points privately of others, and discovered that it is all true; that "Dumnorix is the person, a man of the highest daring, in great favor with the people on account of his liberality, a man eager for a revolution: that for a great many years he has been in the habit of contracting for the customs and all the other taxes of the Aedui at a small cost, because when he bids, no one dares to bid against him. By these means he has both increased his own private property, and amassed great means for giving largesses; that he maintains constantly at his own expense and keeps about his own person a great number of cavalry, and that not only at home, but even among the neighboring states, he has great influence, and for the sake of strengthening this influence has given his mother in marriage among the Bituriges to a man the most noble and most influential there; that he has himself taken a wife from among the Helvetii, and has given his sister by the mother's side and his female relations in marriage into other states; that he favors and wishes well to the Helvetii on account of this connection; and that he hates Caesar and the Romans, on his own account, because by their arrival his power was weakened, and his brother, Diviciacus, restored to his former position of influence and dignity: that, if any thing should happen to the Romans, he entertains the highest hope of gaining the sovereignty by means of the Helvetii, but that under the government of the Roman people he despairs not only of royalty, but even of that influence which he already has." Caesar discovered too, on inquiring into the unsuccessful cavalry engagement which had taken place a few days before, that the commencement of that flight had been made by Dumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix was in command of the cavalry which the Aedui had sent for aid to Caesar); that by their flight the rest of the cavalry were dismayed.

            

一八

凯撒知道列司古斯的这番话指的是狄维契阿古斯的弟弟杜诺列克斯,但他不愿当着这么多人的面说穿这件事,因此很快就结束了会议,单把列司古斯留了下来。等只有他一个人时,再问他在会上讲的事情,他讲起来就自在得多,也大胆得多了。凯撒又把这件事情秘密地问了另外一些人,发现它完全是真的。这个杜诺列克斯,确是一个勇敢无比、而且因为慷慨施与、在群众中拥有极大势力的人,他很盼望发生一场变故。多年以来,他一直用极低的包价,把爱杜依的关税和其他税收都包了下来,因为只要他一开价,就没别人再敢出较高的标价和他竞争。凭借这种手段,一方面增加了他的家业,另一方面,又为他的广施贿赂开拓了大量财源。他用自己的钱常年豢养了一大批骑兵,护卫着他。不仅在国内,就在邻国,他也有很大的势力。为了更加张大自己的声势起见,他让自己的母亲和别都里及斯邦中最尊贵最有力的人结了婚,自己又娶了一个厄尔维几族的妻子,他的同母姊妹和其他女亲属,也都嫁给了别的邦。不仅这种亲戚关系使他偏袒和寄厚望于厄尔维几人,伺时他还有私下的理由要痛恨凯撒和罗马人,就因为他们的到来,他的势力才削弱下去,而他的兄长狄维契阿古斯却恢复了原来的声望和荣誉。他怀着很大的希望,如果一旦罗马人遭到什么不幸,他就可以借厄尔维几人之助,取得王位。罗马人的统治却不仅使他得不到王位,甚至现在已有的势力都在削弱。凯撒在查询中又发现,几天以前骑兵战斗之所以遭到挫折,也是由于杜诺列克斯和他的骑兵首先败退下来的原故。因为爱杜依人派来支援凯撒的骑兵是由杜诺列克斯领导的,他们一退,就使其他的骑兵也都惊慌起来。




19

After learning these circumstances, since to these suspicions the most unequivocal facts were added, viz., that he had led the Helvetii through the territories of the Sequani; that he had provided that hostages should be mutually given; that he had done all these things, not only without any orders of his [Caesar's] and of his own state's, but even without their [the Aedui] knowing any thing of it themselves; that he [ Dumnorix ] was reprimanded: by the [chief] magistrate of the Aedui; he [Caesar] considered that there was sufficient reason, why he should either punish him himself, or order the state to do so. One thing [however] stood in the way of all this-that he had learned by experience his brother Diviciacus's very high regard for the Roman people, his great affection toward him, his distinguished faithfulness, justice, and moderation; for he was afraid lest by the punishment of this man, he should hurt the feelings of Diviciacus. Therefore, before he attempted any thing, he orders Diviciacus to be summoned to him, and, when the ordinary interpreters had been withdrawn, converses with him through Gaius Valerius Procillus, chief of the province of Gaul, an intimate friend of his, in whom he reposed the highest confidence in every thing; at the same time he reminds him of what was said about Dumnorix in the council of the Gauls, when he himself was present, and shows what each had said of him privately in his [Caesar's] own presence; he begs and exhorts him, that, without offense to his feelings, he may either himself pass judgment on him [Dumnorix] after trying the case, or else order the [Aeduan] state to do so.

            

一九

凯撒弄清楚了这些事实,而且得到许多千真万确的证据,可以证实这些怀疑。引导厄尔维几人穿过塞广尼人领土的是他,他们交换人质也是由他安排的,他做这些事情,不仅没有得到凯撒和他本国的命令,甚至连知道也没让他们知道,因此他受到爱杜依首领们的诟责。凯撒认为这些已足够作为处罚杜诺列克斯的理由,无论由他自己来处理也好,由他命令本国去处理也好。但却有一件事情使他不能放手去做这一切,因为他知道,他的兄长狄维契阿古斯是一位最热忱拥护罗马人民、最爱他自己、出奇地忠诚、正直和谦和的人,深恐处罚杜诺列克斯,会伤了狄维契阿古斯的心。因此,在还没采取任何行动之前,他先命令把狄维契阿古斯召到自己面前来,在遣走了日常用的译员之后,通过高卢行省的一个领袖、他自已的知友该犹斯•瓦雷密斯•普洛契勒斯——凯撒在任何事情上都很信任这个人——和他谈话。同时向他指出了他本人也在场的那次高卢领袖们的会议上关于杜诺列克斯的谈话,还告诉他后来各人和他分别谈话时,谈到杜诺列克斯时说的话。他要求并鼓励他,希望无论由他自己审问后定罪也好,或者由他下令交给他本邦去定罪也好,狄维契阿古斯不要因此心里不快。




20

Diviciacus, embracing Caesar, begins to implore him, with many tears, that "he would not pass any very severe sentence upon his brother; saying, that he knows that those charges are true, and that nobody suffered more pain on that account than he himself did; for when he himself could effect a very great deal by his influence at home and in the rest of Gaul, and he [ Dumnorix ] very little on account of his youth, the latter had become powerful through his means, which power and strength he used not only to the lessening of his [Diviciacus] popularity, but almost to his ruin; that he, however, was influenced both by fraternal affection and by public opinion. But if any thing very severe from Caesar should befall him [Dumnorix], no one would think that it had been done without his consent, since he himself held such a place in Caesar's friendship: from which circumstance it would arise, that the affections of the whole of Gaul would be estranged from him." As he was with tears begging these things of Caesar in many words, Caesar takes his right hand, and, comforting him, begs him to make an end of entreating, and assures him that his regard for him is so great, that he forgives both the injuries of the republic and his private wrongs, at his desire and prayers. He summons Dumnorix to him; he brings in his brother; he points out what he censures in him; he lays before him what he of himself perceives, and what the state complains of; he warns him for the future to avoid all grounds of suspicion; he says that he pardons the past, for the sake of his brother, Diviciacus. He sets spies over Dumnorix that he may be able to know what he does, and with whom he communicates.

            

二〇

狄维契阿古斯泪汪汪地拥抱着凯撒,恳求他不要给他兄弟什么严厉的处罚。他说:他知道这些控诉都是真的,没有人再比他更为这个难受了。因为,当他本人在自己本国和高卢的其他部分势力很大时,他弟弟却因为年纪还轻,没没无闻,全靠他的帮助才得势起来,但他却不仅利用这种势力来削弱他的声望,甚至还利用它来毁灭他。虽则如此,他还不能不顾到手足之情和群众的意见,如果凯撒真的给了杜诺列克斯什么严厉的处罚,由于他处在和凯撒如此亲密的地位,绝没有人会相信这是没有经过他的同意就做的,这种情况会使得全高卢人都从此唾弃他。当他一面哭,一面说着这许多话向凯撒恳求时,凯撒握着他的右手安慰他,叫他不要再说下去,说:他对凯撒的情谊这样深厚,无论是国家的公仇还是私人的嫌怨,都会按照他的愿望和要求,给予谅解。凯撒把杜诺列克斯召到自己面前来,当着他兄长的面,把自己要责怪他的那些事情都告诉了他,无论是他自己知道的还是他本国所控告的,都向他说了,同时还警告他。以后任何时候都必须避开一切嫌疑。特别向他指出:过去的一切是看在他的兄长狄维契阿古斯面上,才原谅他的。他又派人监视着杜诺列克斯,以便能了解他在做些什么,和哪些人谈话。




21

Being on the same day informed by his scouts, that the enemy had encamped at the foot of a mountain eight miles from his own camp; he sent persons to ascertain what the nature of the mountain was, and of what kind the ascent on every side. Word was brought back, that it was easy. During the third watch he orders Titus Labienus, his legate with praetorian powers, to ascend to the highest ridge of the mountain with two legions, and with those as guides who had examined the road; he explains what his plan is. He himself during the fourth watch, hastens to them by the same route by which the enemy had gone, and sends on all the cavalry before him. Publius Considius, who was reputed to be very experienced in military affairs, and had been in the army of Lucius Sulla, and afterward in that of Marcus Crassus, is sent forward with the scouts.

            

二一

同一天,侦察人员报告说,敌人在离他自己的营寨八罗里的一座山下安了营。他派出人去探查那山的地势和四面上山的道路如何。回报说很容易上去。他命令副将代理司令官季度斯•拉频弩斯在第三更时率领两个军团和那些认识路的向导攀登到那座山的山顶上。同时把自己的打算告诉了他。他本人在第四更时急急从敌人经过的那条路,向他们赶去,派全部骑兵走在自己前面,另外又派布勃密斯•孔西第乌斯率领侦察人员在前面先走。孔西第乌斯是一个号称富有军事经验的人,曾先后在卢契乌斯•苏拉和马古斯•克拉苏斯的军队中服务过。




22

At day-break, when the summit of the mountain was in the possession of Titus Labienus, and he himself was not further off than a mile and half from the enemy's camp, nor, as he afterward ascertained from the captives, had either his arrival or that of Labienus been discovered; Considius, with his horse at full gallop, comes up to him says that the mountain which he [Caesar] wished should be seized by Labienus, is in possession of the enemy; that he has discovered this by the Gallic arms and ensigns. Caesar leads off his forces to the next hill: [and] draws them up in battle-order. Labienus, as he had been ordered by Caesar not to come to an engagement unless [Caesar's] own forces were seen near the enemy's camp, that the attack upon the enemy might be made on every side at the same time, was, after having taken possession of the mountain, waiting for our men, and refraining from battle. When, at length, the day was far advanced, Caesar learned through spies, that the mountain was in possession of his own men, and that the Helvetii had moved their camp, and that Considius, struck with fear, had reported to him, as seen, that which he had not seen. On that day he follows the enemy at his usual distance, and pitches his camp three miles from theirs.

            

二二

黎明时,山顶已被拉频弩斯占领,他自己离敌人的营寨也已不到一罗里半路。据后来从俘虏口中得知,无论他自己或拉频弩斯的到达,都没被敌人发觉。但在那时候,孔西第乌斯忽然骑着马匆匆赶来,告诉他说。他要拉频弩斯去占领的那座山顶,敌人已经占领着,他是从高卢人的武器和旗帜上辨认出来的。于是,凯撒把他的军队撤到最近的一座山上,在那边布下战阵。拉频弩斯事先接到凯撒的指示,叫他不要退自和敌人作战,要等看到凯撒的军队近敌营时,才同时四面向敌军进攻,这时虽占据了山顶,却仍停在那边等候我军,不和敌人交锋。直到后来天色已很晚时,凯撒才从侦察人员那里得知山顶在我军手中,厄尔维几人这时已移营前进,而孔西第乌斯则是因为害怕,才把根本没有看到过的东西当做看到了的向他作了谎报。那一天,他仍保持一向的距离,跟随敌人前进,离他们的营寨三罗里安下营。




23

The next day (as there remained in all only two day's space [to the time] when he must serve out the corn to his army, and as he was not more than eighteen miles from Bibracte, by far the largest and best-stored town of the Aedui), he thought that he ought to provide for a supply of corn; and diverted his march from the Helvetii, and advanced rapidly to Bibracte. This circumstance is reported to the enemy by some deserters from Lucius Aemilius, a captain, of the Gallic horse. The Helvetii, either because they thought that the Romans, struck with terror, were retreating from them, the more so, as the day before, though they had seized on the higher grounds, they had not joined battle or because they flattered themselves that they might be cut of from the provisions, altering their plan and changing their route, began to pursue, and to annoy our men in the rear.

            

二三

次日,离开例应发放口粮给士兵的日子只剩两天了。当时他离开爱杜依邦最大、积储最充裕的市镇毕布拉克德已经不到十八罗里。他考虑到粮食问题必须解决,就转过头来撇开厄尔维几人,直向毕布拉克德赶去。这件事被高卢籍骑兵的一个什长卢契乌斯•爱米留斯部下的逃兵们报告了敌人。厄尔维几人不是误以为罗马人离开他们是由于害怕——特别因为前一天罗马人已经占有了山头仍不作战,更使他们深信这点——就是认为自己可以把罗马军队的粮食切断,于是改变原来的计划,掉过头来,紧钉着我军的后队,开始攻击。




24

Caesar, when he observes this, draws off his forces to the next hill, and sent the cavalry to sustain the attack of the enemy. He himself, meanwhile, drew up on the middle of the hill a triple line of his four veteran legions in such a manner, that he placed above him on the very summit the two legions, which he had lately levied in Hither Gaul, and all the auxiliaries; and he ordered that the whole mountain should be covered with men, and that meanwhile the baggage should be brought together into one place, and the position be protected by those who were posted in the upper line. The Helvetii having followed with all their wagons, collected their baggage into one place: they themselves, after having repulsed our cavalry and formed a phalanx, advanced up to our front line in very close order.

            

二四

凯撒注意到这事,把他的军队撤到最近的一座山上去。派骑兵去抵挡敌人的进攻。这时,他自己把四个老的军团,分成三列布置在半山腰里,新从高卢征召来的两个军团和全部辅助部队,被安置在山顶上;这样就好象整座山上到处都布满了军队,同时他又命令把全军的行囊都集中放在一起,由处在高处的部队负责守卫。厄尔维几人带着他们的全部车辆跟踪追来,也把他们的辎重集中在一起,驱走我军骑兵之后,结成极密集的方阵,向我军的前列冲来。




25

Caesar, having removed out of sight first his own horse, then those of all, that he might make the danger of all equal, and do away with the hope of flight, after encouraging his men, joined battle. His soldiers hurling their javelins from the higher ground, easily broke the enemy's phalanx. That being dispersed, they made a charge on them with drawn swords. It was a great hinderance to the Gauls in fighting, that, when several of their bucklers had been by one stroke of the (Roman) javelins pierced through and pinned fast together, as the point of the iron had bent itself, they could neither pluck it out, nor, with their left hand entangled, fight with sufficient ease; so that many, after having long tossed their arm about, chose rather to cast away the buckler from their hand, and to fight with their person unprotected. At length, worn out with wounds, they began to give way, and, as there was in the neighborhood a mountain about a mile off, to betake themselves thither. When the mountain had been gained, and our men were advancing up, the Boii and Tulingi, who with about 15,000 men closed the enemy's line of march and served as a guard to their rear, having assailed our men on the exposed flank as they advanced [prepared] to surround them; upon seeing which, the Helvetii who had betaken themselves to the mountain, began to press on again and renew the battle. The Romans having faced about, advanced to the attack in two divisions; the first and second line, to withstand those who had been defeated and driven off the field; the third to receive those who were just arriving.

            

二五

凯撒首先把自己的坐骑一直送到老远看不见的地方,后来又命令把所有别人的马也都这样送走,让大家都面对着同样的危险,不存逃脱的希望,然后对士兵们鼓励了一番之后,遣他们投入战斗。兵士们踞高临下,掷下轻矛,很容易地驱散了敌人的方阵。敌人散乱之后,士兵们拔出剑来,朝他们冲杀过去。高卢人的盾,大部分被轻矛一击中就穿透了,而且因为铁的矛头弯了过来,紧箱在盾里,拔既拔不出来,左手累累赘赘地拖着它作战又不方便,一时很受阻碍,于是,许多人在把手臂摇摆了很久仍没法摆脱它之后,就宁愿抛掉盾,露着身体作战。最后,他们因为受伤累累、支持不住,开始撤退,向离当地约一罗里的一座小山逃去。等他们占有那座小山时,我军已紧紧跟在他们背后。作为后军掩护着敌人后方的一万五千波依人和都林忌人,掉过头来攻击罗马军队敞开着的侧翼,包围住他们。已经退上山的厄尔维几人看到这事,重新立定下来,开始作战。罗马人口转身来,两面分开应战,第一列和第二列抵抗已被击败和运走的敌人,、第三列抵抗新来的敌人。




26

Thus, was the contest long and vigorously carried on with doubtful success. When they could no longer withstand the attacks of our men, the one division, as they had begun to do, betook themselves to the mountain; the other repaired to their baggage and wagons. For during the whole of this battle, although the fight lasted from the seventh hour [i.e. 12 (noon) - 1 pm] to eventide, no one could see an enemy with his back turned. The fight was carried on also at the baggage till late in the night, for they had set wagons in the way as a rampart, and from the higher ground kept throwing weapons upon our men, as they came on, and some from between the wagons and the wheels kept darting their lances and javelins from beneath, and wounding our men. After the fight had lasted some time, our men gained possession of their baggage and camp. There the daughter and one of the sons of Orgetorix was taken. After the battle about 130,000 men [of the enemy] remained alive, who marched incessantly during the whole of that night; and after a march discontinued for no part of the night, arrived in the territories of the Lingones on the fourth day, while our men, having stopped for three days, both on account of the wounds of the soldiers and the burial of the slain, had not been able to follow them. Caesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones [with orders] that they should not assist them with corn or with any thing else; for that if they should assist them, he would regard them in the same light as the Helvetii. After the three days' interval he began to follow them himself with all his forces.

            

二六

战斗就这样分为两面。长期地激烈进行着,直到他们再也挡不住我军的攻击时,一部分开始退到山上去,一部分集中到他们的辎重和车辆那边。尽管这场战斗从第七刻时一直延长到傍晚,但在整个战斗过程中,却谁也没有看到任何敌人转过身去逃走的。辎重附近,直到深夜还在进行战斗,他们把车辆排列起来当作壁垒,站在高处向我军进攻的人投射矢石,另有些人则躲在战车和四轮车之间,朝上发出梭标和投枪,杀伤我军。战斗持续很久,辎重和营寨终于为我军占领。奥尔及托列克斯的女儿和一个儿子,都在那边被我军俘获。约有一万三千人从这场战斗中逃出性命,他们通宵赶路,整夜一刻不停,第四天到达林恭内斯人境内。我军因为有的士兵受了伤,还有些阵亡者要掩埋,停留了三天,没追赶他们。凯撒派使者送信到林恭内斯人那边去,命令不准把粮食和其他物资接济他们,如果接济他们,他就要以对付厄尔维几人同样的方式对付他们。他自己在隔了三天之后,带着全军追赶他们。




27

The Helvetii, compelled by the want of every thing, sent embassadors to him about a surrender. When these had met him on the way and had thrown themselves at his feet, and speaking in suppliant tone had with tears sued for peace, and [when] he had ordered them to await his arrival, in the place, where they then were, they obeyed his commands. When Caesar arrived at that place, he demanded hostages, their arms, and the slaves who had deserted to them. While those things are being sought for and got together, after a night's interval, about 6000 men of that canton which is called the Verbigene, whether terrified by fear, lest after delivering up their arms, they should suffer punishment, or else induced by the hope of safety, because they supposed that, amid so vast a multitude of those who had surrendered themselves, their flight might either be concealed or entirely overlooked, having at night-fall departed out of the camp of the Helvetii, hastened to the Rhine and the territories of the Germans.

            

二七

厄尔维几人因为一切给养都感到缺乏,不得不派使者来见他求降。他们在路上遇到凯撒,投身在他脚下,含着眼泪低声下气地恳求讲和。他吩咐他们留在现在所在的地方等他到来,他们听从了。后来凯撒到了那地方,向他们索取人质、武器以及逃亡到他们那里去的奴隶。当这些正在搜索和集中时,约有六千人,属于称做维尔华琴纳斯的那个部落,不知是恐怕交出武器后将受到惩罚,还是妄想保全自己,认为反正投降的人多,自己乘机溜走可以混瞒过去,别人不会注意。天一黑时就从厄尔维几人的营中逃出来,向莱茵河上日耳曼人的地界奔去。




28

But when Caesar discovered this, he commanded those through whose territory they had gone, to seek them out and to bring them back again, if they meant to be acquitted before him; and considered them, when brought back, in the light of enemies; he admitted all the rest to a surrender, upon their delivering up the hostages, arms, and deserters. He ordered the Helvetii, the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, to return to their territories from which they had come, and as there was at home nothing whereby they might support their hunger, all the productions of the earth having been destroyed, he commanded the Allobroges to let them have a plentiful supply of corn; and ordered them to rebuild the towns and villages which they had burned. This he did, chiefly, on this account, because he was unwilling that the country, from which the Helvetii had departed, should be untenanted, lest the Germans, who dwell on the other side of the Rhine, should, on account of the excellence of the lands, cross over from their own territories into those of the Helvetii, and become borderers upon the province of Gaul and the Allobroges. He granted the petition of the Aedui, that they might settle the Boii, in their own (i. e. in the Aeduan) territories, as these were known to be of distinguished valor, to whom they gave lands, and whom they afterward admitted to the same state of rights and freedom as themselves.

            

二八

凯撒一知道这事,就向他们经过的地区的居民下令:如果他们想要洗清自己,就得把这些逃亡的人搜索出来,送回他这里。送回来的人都被当作敌人处理了。所有其余的人,在把人质、武器和逃亡者交出之后,都接受了他们的投降。他命令厄尔维几人、都林忌人、拉多比契人,都回到原来出发的地方去。又因为他们家乡的一切庄稼都已经毁掉,没有可以恃之度日的东西,他命令阿罗布洛及斯人把足够的粮食供应他们,并命令他们把已经烧掉的市镇和村庄重建起来。他所以这样做,主要理由是因为他不愿意让厄尔维几人迁走后那块地方空出来,深恐住在莱茵河对岸的日耳曼人看到这里土地肥沃,会迁出自己的领土,住到厄尔维几人的土地上来,成为高卢行省和阿罗布洛及斯的邻居。爱杜依人因为波依人以勇敢闻名,愿意把他们安插在自己的土地上,凯撒也答应了他们的要求。他们给了波依人土地,后来又让他们跟自己享有同样的权科和自由。




29

In the camp of the Helvetii, lists were found, drawn up in Greek characters, and were brought to Caesar, in which an estimate had been drawn up, name by name, of the number which had gone forth from their country of those who were able to bear arms; and likewise the boys, the old men, and the women, separately. Of all which items the total was: Of the Helvetii [lit. of the heads of the Helvetii] 263,000 Of the Tulingi 36,000 Of the Latobrigi 14,000 Of the Rauraci 23,000 Of the Boii 32,000 The sum of all amounted to368,000Out of these, such as could bear arms, [amounted] to about 92,000. When the census of those who returned home was taken, as Caesar had commanded, the number was found to be 110,000.

            

二九

在厄尔维几人的营帐中,发现有用希腊文写的字板,被拿来交给了凯撒,这上面是编好的名册,逐个记载着他们从故乡出来的能持武器作战的人的数目,同样也逐一地记载着儿童、老人和妇女。在这些记载中,厄尔维几人总数是二十六万三千、都林忌人是三万六千、拉多比契人是一万四千、劳拉契人二万三千、波依人三万二千,这些人中,能拿起武器来作战的约有九万二千人,合起来总数为三十六万八千人。其中能够返回故乡的,依照凯撒的命令作的统计是十一万人。




30

When the war with the Helvetii was concluded, embassadors from almost all parts of Gaul, the chiefs of states, assembled to congratulate Caesar, [saying] that they were well aware, that, although he had taken vengeance on the Helvetii in war, for the old wrong done by them to the Roman people, yet that circumstance had happened no less to the benefit of the land of Gaul than of the Roman people, because the Helvetii, while their affairs were most flourishing, had quitted their country with the design of making war upon the whole of Gaul, and seizing the government of it, and selecting, out of a great abundance, that spot for an abode, which they should judge to be the most convenient and most productive of all Gaul, and hold the rest of the states as tributaries. They requested that they might be allowed to proclaim an assembly of the whole of Gaul for a particular day, and to do that with Caesar's permission, [stating] that they had some things which, with the general consent, they wished to ask of him. This request having been granted, they appointed a day for the assembly, and ordained by an oath with each other, that no one should disclose [their deliberations] except those to whom this [office] should be assigned by the general assembly.

            

三〇

厄尔维几之役结束后,差不多全高卢的使者——都是各国的首领——统统赶来向凯撒道贺。他们说:他们虽然知道凯撒之所以和厄尔维几人作这次战争,是为了报复以前他们对罗马人的侵害,但这件事情的后果,使高卢地方蒙受的利益却不下于罗马人,因为厄尔维几人在他们正盛极一时的时候离开故乡,目的在于向全高卢发动战争,争取统治权,在全高卢的广大土地上,选取他们认为是最便利、最富饶的地方,作为自己的住家,把其余的各国作为纳贡的臣属。代表们要求凯撒允许他们约定一天,宣布召开一个全高卢的大会,因为他们有一个请求,希望在取得一致同意之后,向凯撒提出来。这要求被答应了,随即为这个会议定下了一个日期,他们之间还起了誓,保证除了会议上大家同意授权的人之外,任何人不得擅自把讨论的内容泄漏出去。




31

When that assembly was dismissed, the same chiefs of states, who had before been to Caesar, returned, and asked that they might be allowed to treat with him privately (in secret) concerning the safety of themselves and of all. That request having been obtained, they all threw themselves in tears at Caesar's feet, [saying] that they no less begged and earnestly desired that what they might say should not be disclosed, than that they might obtain those things which they wished for; inasmuch as they saw, that, if a disclosure was made, they should be put to the greatest tortures. For these Diviciacus the Aeduan spoke and told him: "That there were two parties in the whole of Gaul: that the Aedui stood at the head of one of these, the Arverni of the other. After these had been violently struggling with one another for the superiority for many years, it came to pass that the Germans were called in for hire by the Arverni and the Sequani. That about 15,000 of them [i.e. of the Germans] had at first crossed the Rhine: but after that these wild and savage men had become enamored of the lands and the refinement and the abundance of the Gauls, more were brought over, that there were now as many as 120,000 of them in Gaul: that with these the Aedui and their dependents had repeatedly struggled in arms-that they had been routed, and had sustained a great calamity-had lost all their nobility, all their senate, all their cavalry. And that broken by such engagements and calamities, although they had formerly been very powerful in Gaul, both from their own valor and from the Roman people's hospitality and friendship, they were now compelled to give the chief nobles of their state, as hostages to the Sequani, and to bind their state by an oath, that they would neither demand hostages in return, nor supplicate aid from the Roman people, nor refuse to be forever under their sway and empire. That he was the only one out of all the state of the Aedui, who could not be prevailed upon to take the oath or to give his children as hostages. On that account he had fled from his state and had gone to the senate at Rome to beseech aid, as he alone was bound neither by oath nor hostages. But a worse thing had befallen the victorious Sequani than the vanquished Aedui, for Ariovistus the king of the Germans, had settled in their territories, and had seized upon a third of their land, which was the best in the whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart from another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 men of the Harudes had come to him, for whom room and settlements must be provided. The consequence would be, that in a few years they would all be driven from the territories of Gaul, and all the Germans would cross the Rhine; for neither must the land of Gaul be compared with the land of the Germans, nor must the habit of living of the latter be put on a level with that of the former. Moreover, [as for] Ariovistus, no sooner did he defeat the forces of the Gauls in a battle which took place at Magetobriga, than [he began] to lord it haughtily and cruelly, to demand as hostages the children of all the principal nobles, and wreak on them every kind of cruelty, if every thing was not done at his nod or pleasure; that he was a savage, passionate, and reckless man, and that his commands could no longer be borne. Unless there was some aid in Caesar and the Roman people, the Gauls must all do the same thing that the Helvetii have done, [viz.] emigrate from their country, and seek another dwelling place, other settlements remote from the Germans, and try whatever fortune may fall to their lot. If these things were to be disclosed to Ariovistus, [Diviciacus adds] that he doubts not that he would inflict the most severe punishment on all the hostages who are in his possession, [and says] that Caesar could, either by his own influence and by that of his army, or by his late victory, or by name of the Roman people, intimidate him, so as to prevent a greater number of Germans being brought over the Rhine, and could protect all Gaul from the outrages of Ariovistus.

            

三一

散会后,仍旧是上次那些国家的首领们,回到凯撒这边来,请求允许他们和他秘密商谈一下有关他们本身和全体安全的问题、这个要求得到了允许,他们全都投身在他脚下,哭泣着向他恳求说:他们热切而又焦急地希望将和他谈的事情不至泄漏出去,其热切和焦急的程度绝不亚于他们就要提出来的那个要求本身。因为他们知道,假如泄漏出去之后,他们就要遭到最最残酷的处罚。替他们发言的是爱杜依人狄维契阿古斯,他说;全高卢各邦,分为两个集团,一个集团的领导权由爱杜依人掌握,另一个由阿浮尔尼人掌握。多年以来,他们之间一直在激烈地争夺霸权,以致阿浮尔尼人和塞广尼人竟花钱雇来日耳曼人。他们第一次渡过莱茵河来的大约有一万五千人,后来这些粗鲁而又野蛮的人爱上了高卢的土地、文化和富庶,又带过来更多的人,至今在高卢的日耳曼人已达十二万左右。爱杜依人和他们的属邦一再和日耳曼人对兵相见,在吃了败仗之后,遭到极大的灾难,全部贵族、全部元老和全部骑士都损失干净。因为战争和灾难的打击,这些本来由于自己的勇敢、由于罗马人的恩情和友谊,过去一直在高卢享有霸权的人,被迫不得不把自己国内最尊贵的人交给塞广尼人做人质,还要用誓言束缚自己的国家:不得索回人质、不得向罗马人求救、不得拒绝永远服从他们的权力和统治。在爱杜依全国,只他狄维契阿古斯一个人没有被弄去宣誓,也没把自己的孩子交出去做人质,就为这缘故,他自己才逃出本国赶到罗马去向元老院求救,因为就只他一个人不受誓言和人质的拘束。可是,获得了胜利的塞广尼人,比起被征服的爱杜依人来,处境却只有更坏些。因为日耳曼人的国王阿里奥维司都斯就住在他们境内,占据了塞广尼人的三分之一领土,这是全高卢最富饶的土地,而现在,他却又要塞广尼人另外再让出三分之一来,因为几个月以前,二万四千阿鲁得斯人又来到他这边,要让出地方来给他们住。再息不多几年,全部日耳曼人都将跑到莱茵河这边来,这里的人都要被赶出高卢的领土,因为高卢的土地和日耳曼的土地,简直无法相比,他们那边的生活也跟这边的生活不可同日而语。阿里奥维司都斯在马其多勃里加地方一战击败高卢军队之后,就极傲慢、极残酷地进行着统治,把最尊贵的贵族们的孩子索去作为人质,这些人质略微做了一些未经他点头同意的事情,就得遭到各种各样的惨刑。他是一个粗野、任性、残暴的人,对他的统治谁也没法忍受下去。要不是凯撒和罗马人民出来设法给一些帮助,全高卢都得象过去的厄尔维几人那样离乡背井,远远避开日耳曼人,另外去寻找别的家乡、别的安身之处,去碰运气。无论什么样的事情在等待他们,也只得去试探一下。这些话要是被阿里奥维司都斯知道,毫无疑问,他要把最惨酷的刑罚加到在他那边的全部人质身上。只有凯撒,可以利用他自己本人或他的军队的威望、利用新近取得的胜利、或者利用罗马人民的名义,阻止他再把更多的日耳曼人带到莱茵河这边来,保障全高卢不再受阿里奥维司都斯的蹂躏。




32

When this speech had been delivered by Diviciacus, all who were present began with loud lamentation to entreat assistance of Caesar. Caesar noticed that the Sequani were the only people of all who did none of those things which the others did, but, with their heads bowed down, gazed on the earth in sadness. Wondering what was the reason of this conduct, he inquired of themselves. No reply did the Sequani make, but silently continued in the same sadness. When he had repeatedly inquired of them and could not elicit any answer at all, the same Diviciacus the Aeduan answered, that—"the lot of the Sequani was more wretched and grievous than that of the rest, on this account, because they alone durst not even in secret complain or supplicate aid; and shuddered at the cruelty of Ariovistus [even when] absent, just as if he were present; for, to the rest, despite of every thing there was an opportunity of flight given; but all tortures must be endured by the Sequani, who had admitted Ariovistus within their territories, and whose towns were all in his power."

            

三二

狄维契阿古斯说完这番话时,所有在场的人开始大声嚎哭着恳求凯撒帮助。凯撒注意到所有人中,就只塞广尼人没跟别人那样哭泣,只管凄惶地低头注视着地面。他不知道这是为什么缘故,就询问他们。塞广尼人不回答,仍旧默默地保持着原来的凄惶神情。当他一再询问,得不到答复时,还是那位爱杜依人狄维契阿古斯作了回答:塞广尼人的命运,比起别的部落来更为惨痛、更为伤心,因此只有他们,那怕在背后,仍旧不敢诉苦,也不敢乞援,即使阿里奥维司都斯不在这里,对于他的残忍,也和他亲自在这里一样的惴惴畏惧。因为其余的人,无论如何,逃走的机会总还是有的,独有塞广尼人,因为他们把阿里奥维司都斯邀进自己境内,所有的市镇都在他的势力范围之内,不得不受尽各种苦难。




33

Caesar, on being informed of these things, cheered the minds of the Gauls with his words, and promised that this affair should be an object of his concern, [saying] that he had great hopes that Ariovistus, induced both by his kindness and his power, would put an end to his oppression. After delivering this speech, he dismissed the assembly; and, besides those statements, many circumstances induced him to think that this affair ought to be considered and taken up by him; especially as he saw that the Aedui, styled [as they had been] repeatedly by the senate "brethren" and "kinsmen," were held in the thraldom and dominion of the Germans, and understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequani, which in so mighty an empire [as that] of the Roman people he considered very disgraceful to himself and the republic. That, moreover, the Germans should by degrees become accustomed to cross the Rhine, and that a great body of them should come into Gaul, he saw [would be] dangerous to the Roman people, and judged, that wild and savage men would not be likely to restrain themselves, after they had possessed themselves of all Gaul, from going forth into the province and thence marching into Italy (as the Cimbri and Teutones had done before them), particularly as the Rhône [was the sole barrier that] separated the Sequani from our province. Against which events he thought he ought to provide as speedily as possible. Moreover, Ariovistus, for his part, had assumed to himself such pride and arrogance, that he was felt to be quite insufferable.

            

三三

凯撒知道了这些事,就对高卢人说了一番鼓励的话,答应说。他会亲自关心这件事情。他说:他希望阿里奥维司都斯能够看在他的恩惠和威望面上,不再做伤害人的事情。说过这番话,就遣散了会议。其实,除了这原因以外,还有许多别的原故,促使他不得不考虑这件事,并且采取行动。首先,他知道屡次被元老院称作“兄弟”、“亲人”的爱杜依此应在受日耳曼人的奴役和统治,甚至他们还有人质落在阿里奥维司都斯和塞广尼人手里,这对罗马这样一个堂堂大国说来,不免是他本人和国家的一种耻辱。再说,在他看来,如果日耳曼人逐渐把渡过莱茵河看作一件习以为常的事情,大批大批地涌入高卢来,对罗马人民来说,将是一件危险不过的事,何况象他们这样粗野横蛮的人,绝不肯安分守己,一旦占有全高卢,就会象过去的钦布里人和条顿人那样,冲进我们的行省,再从那里蜂拥奔向意大利,特别因为塞广尼和我们的行省之间,只隔了一条罗唐纳斯河。根据这种种情况,他认为非迅速采取行动不可,而阿里奥维司都斯表现出来航那种自高自大、不可一世的态度,也是件难于忍受的事。




34

He therefore determined to send embassadors to Ariovistus to demand of him to name some intermediate spot for a conference between the two, [saying] that he wished to treat him on state-business and matters of the highest importance to both of them. To this embassy Ariovistus replied, that if he himself had had need of any thing from Caesar, he would have gone to him; and that if Caesar wanted any thing from him he ought to come to him. That, besides, neither dare he go without an army into those parts of Gaul which Caesar had possession of, nor could he, without great expense and trouble, draw his army together to one place; that to him, moreover, it appeared strange, what business either Caesar or the Roman people at all had in his own Gaul, which he had conquered in war.

            

三四

因之,他决定派使者到阿里奥维司都斯那边去,要求他选择一个和双方距离相仿的会面地点,他有公务和跟彼此都有重要关系的事情要和他商谈。阿里奥维司都斯回答使者说:如果他本人对凯撒有什么要求,他自会到凯撒这里来;如果凯撒有什么事情要求于他,凯撒也应该自己跑到他那边去。特别因为他不带军队,便不敢到凯撒所占有的这部分高卢来。如果要把军队集中起来带到某个地方去,又不可能不多带粮袜,大费周折。并且他还奇怪,在他用武力所征服的那一部分高卢中,有什么事情用得着凯撒和罗马人来费心。




35

When these answers were reported to Caesar, he sends embassadors to him a second time with this message. "Since, after having been treated with so much kindness by himself and the Roman people (as he had in his consulship[6] been styled 'king and friend' by the senate), he makes this recompense to [Caesar] himself and the Roman people, [viz.] that when invited to a conference he demurs, and does not think that it concerns him to advise and inform himself about an object of mutual interest, these are the things which he requires of him; first, that he do not any more bring over any body of men across the Rhine into Gaul; in the next place, that he restore the hostages, which he has from the Aedui, and grant the Sequani permission to restore to them with his consent those hostages which they have, and that he neither provoke the Aedui by outrage nor make war upon them or their allies; if he would accordingly do this," [Caesar says] that "he himself and the Roman people will entertain a perpetual feeling of favor and friendship toward him; but that if he [Caesar] does not obtain [his desires] that he (forasmuch as in the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso the senate had decreed that, whoever should have the administration of the province of Gaul should, as far as he could do so consistently with the interests of the republic, protect the Aedui and the other friends of the Roman people), will not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui."

            

三五

这番回答带给凯撒后,凯撒又差使者再次带去如下的话;尽管凯撒和罗马人对他那样的恩德备至——就在凯撒任执政官的那一年,元老院给了他“国王”和“友人”地称号——但他给罗马人民的竟是这样的回答,连会面的邀请都不愿接受,对于双方都有关的事情,也不屑商谈和了解。凯撒要求他的事情是这样一些:首先,不要再带更多的人渡过莱茵河进人高卢,其次,归还从爱杜依人那边取来的人质,同时也允许塞广尼人把他们手中握有的人质还给爱杜依人;不再侵犯爱杜依人,也不再对爱杜依人和他们的周盟发动战争。如果他做到这些,凯撒和罗马人民将永远对他保持友谊和好感。反之,如果他不答应这些要求,那么,根据马古斯•梅萨拉和马古斯•毕索两人任执政官那年元老院的决议:

负责高卢行省的人,应当从共和国的利益出发,对爱社依人和罗马人民的其余友邦加以保护。因而,他不能坐视爱杜依人受到伤害。




36

To this Ariovistus replied, that "the right of war was, that they who had conquered should govern those whom they had conquered, in what manner they pleased; that in that way the Roman people were wont to govern the nations which they had conquered, not according to the dictation of any other, but according to their own discretion. If he for his part did not dictate to the Roman people as to the manner in which they were to exercise their right, he ought not to be obstructed by the Roman people in his right; that the Aedui, inasmuch as they had tried the fortune of war and had engaged in arms and been conquered, had become tributaries to him; that Caesar was doing a great injustice, in that by his arrival he was making his revenues less valuable to him; that he should not restore their hostages to the Aedui, but should not make war wrongfully either upon them or their allies, if they abided by that which had been agreed on, and paid their tribute annually: if they did not continue to do that, the Roman people's name of 'brothers' would avail them naught. As to Caesar's threatening him, that he would not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui, [he said] that no one had ever entered into a contest with him [Ariovistus] without utter ruin to himself. That Caesar might enter the lists when he chose; he would feel what the invincible Germans, well-trained [as they were] beyond all others to arms, who for fourteen years had not been beneath a roof, could achieve by their valor."

            

三六

对于这番话,阿里奥维司都斯回答说:根据战争的权利,战胜者可以随心所欲地支配他所战败的人。同样,罗马人统治,被征服者,也只是凭自己高兴,从来不听别人的意见。既然他从来不干涉罗马人行使自己的这种权利,他本人在行使这种权利时,就也不该受罗马人的阻碍。至于爱杜依人,他们曾经在战争中试过运气。刀兵相见之后,吃了败仗,才开始向他纳贡的。凯撒已经给他造成了很大的损失)凯撒的到来,已经使他的贡赋收入减少了。他决不会把爱杜依人的人质还给他们,如果他们能够履行先前的话,每年交付贡赋,他也不会无缘无敌对他们和他们的盟邦作战;反之,他们如果胆敢违背这些约定,罗马人的“兄弟”头衔,绝帮不了他们的忙。至于凯撒对他的警告,说他不会坐视爱杜依人受到的伤害,那末,他的口答是:没有谁和他作战不是自取灭亡的。凯撒只要愿意,尽可一试,领教一下战无不胜的日耳曼人——武艺娴熟,十四年没在屋子里住过的日耳曼人,凭他们的勇敢,能于出点什么样的事业来。




37

At the same time that this message was delivered to Caesar, embassadors came from the Aedui and the Treviri; from the Aedui to complain that the Harudes, who had lately been brought over into Gaul, were ravaging their territories; that they had not been able to purchase peace from Ariovistus, even by giving hostages: and from the Treviri, [to state] that a hundred cantons of the Suevi had encamped on the banks of the Rhine, and were attempting to cross it; that the brothers, Nasuas and Cimberius, headed them. Being greatly alarmed at these things, Caesar thought that he ought to use all dispatch, lest, if this new band of Suevi should unite with the old troops of Ariovistus, he [Ariovistus] might be less easily withstood. Having therefore, as quickly as he could, provided a supply of corn, he hastened to Ariovistus by forced marches.

            

三七

在这个消息带给凯撒的同时,爱杜依人和德来维里人派来了使者,爱杜依人申诉说:新近进入高卢的阿鲁得斯人正在蹂躏他们的领土,他们即使再加给阿里奥维司都斯人质,也不能换取和平。德来维里人申诉的是:苏威皮人住在莱茵河沿岸的一百个部,正在试图渡河过来,领导他们的是奈苏亚和钦百里乌斯兄弟两人。这些事情使凯撒大为不安,他决定自己必须迅速采取行动,否则,一旦新来的这股苏威皮人和阿里奥维司都斯原有的部队一联合起来,就将更难抵御。于是,尽可能迅速地准备起粮袜以后,就急急地向阿里奥维司都斯赶去。




38

When he had proceeded three days' journey, word was brought to him that Ariovistus was hastening with all his forces to seize on Vesontio, which is the largest town of the Sequani, and had advanced three days' journey from its territories. Caesar thought that he ought to take the greatest precautions lest this should happen, for there was in that town a most ample supply of every thing which was serviceable for war; and so fortified was it by the nature of the ground, as to afford a great facility for protracting the war, inasmuch as the river Doubs almost surrounds the whole town, as though it were traced round it with a pair of compasses. A mountain of great height shuts in the remaining space, which is not more than 600 feet, where the river leaves a gap, in such a manner that the roots of that mountain extend to the river's bank on either side. A wall thrown around it makes a citadel of this [mountain], and connects it with the town. Hither Caesar hastens by forced marches by night and day, and, after having seized the town, stations a garrison there.

            

三八

当他赶了三天之后,接到报告说:阿里奥维可都斯已经带着全军赶去占领塞广尼人最大的市镇维松几阿,离开他的领域已有三夭路程。凯撒认为良己应当极尽全力防止这桩事情的实现。因为这个镇上储藏着大量的战备物资,而且地势险要,有很好的天然屏障,特别利于战守,杜比斯河差不多象圆规画怕那样绕整个市镇一周,只留下一个缺口没有包合,长度不到一千六百罗尺,恰巧有一座极高峻的山封闭着这个缺口,这座山的两面山脚,都一直伸到河边。有一道城墙包围着这座山,使它变成一个堡垒,跟市镇连戌一片。凯撒日以继夜的向那边赶去,占据了这个市镇后,就在那里安下守卫部队。




39

While he is tarrying a few days at Vesontio, on account of corn and provisions; from the inquiries of our men and the reports of the Gauls and traders (who asserted that the Germans were men of huge stature, of incredible valor and practice in arms—that oftentimes they, on encountering them, could not bear even their countenance, and the fierceness of their eyes)—so great a panic on a sudden seized the whole army, as to discompose the minds and spirits of all in no slight degree. This first arose from the tribunes of the soldiers, the prefects and the rest, who, having followed Caesar from the city [Rome] from motives of friendship, had no great experience in military affairs. And alleging, some of them one reason, some another, which they said made it necessary for them to depart, they requested that by his consent they might be allowed to withdraw; some, influenced by shame, stayed behind in order that they might avoid the suspicion of cowardice. These could neither compose their countenance, nor even sometimes check their tears: but hidden in their tents, either bewailed their fate, or deplored with their comrades the general danger. Wills were sealed universally throughout the whole camp. By the expressions and cowardice of these men, even those who possessed great experience in the camp, both soldiers and centurions, and those [the decurions] who were in command of the cavalry, were gradually disconcerted. Such of them as wished to be considered less alarmed, said that they did not dread the enemy, but feared the narrowness of the roads and the vastness of the forests which lay between them and Ariovistus, or else that the supplies could not be brought up readily enough. Some even declared to Caesar, that when he gave orders for the camp to be moved and the troops to advance, the soldiers would not be obedient to the command, nor advance in consequence of their fear.

            

三九

当他为了准备粮食和其他给养,在维摆几内作几夭耽搁时,我军的士卒向高卢人和客商探询情说,这些人的答复乌上在全军引起很大的恐慌,大大扰乱了所有人的心绪。这些高卢人和客商今称日耳曼人的身材魁伟、勇敢非凡、武艺也十分精熟,平时他们自己遇到日耳曼人时,简直不敢报视对方的面容;也不敢接触他们锐利的目光。恐怖最初发生在军团指挥官队骑兵指挥官和其他一些本来没有多少军事经验,只是因为友谊,才跟凯撤离开罗马前来的人身上。他们提出各式各样理由来说明自己有不得不离开的必要,请求凯撒同意他们离去。还有一些人只是为了顾全面子,想避免人家说他害怕,才勉强曾下来。但他们既掩饰不住愁容,也抑制不住眼泪。只是躲在营帐中,抱怨自己的命运。或者和他们的熟人在一起,为共同的危险而悲叹。全营的人都在签署遗嘱。不久,就连军事上颇有经验的人,象兵士们、百夫长们,以及带领骑兵的人,也都因这些人的传说和恐惧而感到惶惶然了。其中那些想把自己打扮成并不胆怯的人则倭称他们本怕敌人,他们担心的是路途险狭,横亘在他们和阿里奥维司都斯之间的森林又很辽阔,怕军粮供应不上。甚至还有些人告诉规撒说。如果他下令移营拔帜前进,士兵们不会听从命令,因为他们害怕,不放前进。




40

When Caesar observed these things, having called a council, and summoned to it the centurions of all the companies, he severely reprimanded them, "particularly, for supposing that it belonged to them to inquire or conjecture, either in what direction they were marching, or with what object. That Ariovistus, during his [Caesar's] consulship, had most anxiously sought after the friendship of the Roman people; why should any one judge that he would so rashly depart from his duty? He for his part was persuaded, that, when his demands were known and the fairness of the terms considered, he would reject neither his nor the Roman people's favor. But even if, driven on by rage and madness, he should make war upon them, what after all were they afraid of?—or why should they despair either of their own valor or of his zeal? Of that enemy a trial had been made within our fathers' recollection, when, on the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutones by Gaius Marius, the army was regarded as having deserved no less praise than their commander himself. It had been made lately, too, in Italy, during the rebellion of the slaves, whom, however, the experience and training which they had received from us, assisted in some respect. From which a judgment might be formed of the advantages which resolution carries with it inasmuch as those whom for some time they had groundlessly dreaded when unarmed, they had afterward vanquished, when well armed and flushed with success. In short, that these were the same men whom the Helvetii, in frequent encounters, not only in their own territories, but also in theirs [the German], have generally vanquished, and yet can not have been a match for our army. If the unsuccessful battle and flight of the Gauls disquieted any, these, if they made inquiries, might discover that, when the Gauls had been tired out by the long duration of the war, Ariovistus, after he had many months kept himself in his camp and in the marshes, and had given no opportunity for an engagement, fell suddenly upon them, by this time despairing of a battle and scattered in all directions, and was victorious more through stratagem and cunning than valor. But though there had been room for such stratagem against savage and unskilled men, not even [Ariovistus] himself expected that thereby our armies could be entrapped. That those who ascribed their fear to a pretense about the [deficiency of] supplies and the narrowness of the roads, acted presumptuously, as they seemed either to distrust their general's discharge of his duty, or to dictate to him. That these things were his concern; that the Sequani, the Leuci, and the Lingones were to furnish the corn; and that it was already ripe in the fields; that as to the road they would soon be able to judge for themselves. As to its being reported that the soldiers would not be obedient to command, or advance, he was not at all disturbed at that; for he knew, that in the case of all those whose army had not been obedient to command, either upon some mismanagement of an affair, fortune had deserted them, or, that upon some crime being discovered, covetousness had been clearly proved [against them]. His integrity had been seen throughout his whole life, his good fortune in the war with the Helvetii. That he would therefore instantly set about what he had intended to put off till a more distant day, and would break up his camp the next night, in the fourth watch, that he might ascertain, as soon as possible, whether a sense of honor and duty, or whether fear had more influence with them. But that, if no one else should follow, yet he would go with only the tenth legion, of which he had no misgivings, and it should be his praetorian cohort." This legion Caesar had both greatly favored, and in it, on account of its valor, placed the greatest confidence.

            

四十

他注意到这些情况就召集了一个会议,把所有各个百人队的百夫长都召来。他激烈斥责他们,特别责像他们竟然把军队要开到哪里去和开去做什么。认为是应该由他们来过问和考虑的事情。在他担任执政官的那一年,阿里奥维司都斯曾经竭力求取过罗马人民的友谊,为什么现在谁都肯定他必然会粗暴得完全不顾情面了呢?至于他自已,他相信:如果对方一旦了解他的要求,知道他的条件是多么公平合理,就绝不会拒绝他和罗马人民的好意。即使说)。由于愤怒和疯狂的冲动,他终于发动了战争,他们又怕什么呢?;为什么他们要对自已的勇气.对他本人的领导毫无信心呢?在我们上辈人的记忆中,就是这些敌人)曾经威胁过我们。但在钦布里人和条顿人被该犹斯•马略击败的那一役中,军士们的值得赞扬,也绝不稍逊于那位统帅本人。就拿最近意大利发生的奴隶暴动来说。也是一样。他们学去的我们的经验和纪律。确实帮了他们不少忙。从这件事情来看,我们就可以判断,坚定能带来多大的好处,因为还没武装起来时我们就莫名其妙地畏惧的人,后来武装起来了,还得到了胜利,正当不可一世时,反被我们击败了。最后,就是这些日耳曼人,连厄尔维几人也常常跟他们交战,不仅在厄尔维几人自己的领土上作战,甚至还跑到对方的领土中去,一再击败他们,而厄尔维几人则早就被证明不是我军的敌手了。如果还有人被高卢人的失败和逃窜吓怕了的话,那末,这些人只要一调查就可以发现,在高卢人被漫长的战争拖得十分厌倦时,阿里奥维司都斯却一连好几个月躲在沼泽中的营寨里不出来,不给他们战斗的机会,等高卢人认为作战已经无望,纷乱四散时。他才突然加以攻击,他所以取得胜利,主要依靠的不是勇敢、而是计谋。这种计谋,捉弄一下没有经验的蛮族或许还行,如果想用它来对付我们的军队,就连他们自己也不敢梦想。还有那些把自己的恐惧倭称是因为担心军粮不继、道路险阻的人,他们却未免太放肆了,他们不是根本不相信统帅的战略部署,就是认为非得由他们自己来指点指点他;(凯撒)不可,其实这些事情应当是由他来考虑的。粮食有塞广尼人,吕契人和林恭内斯人在供应,田里的庄稼也已经成熟。说到道路,一短期之内他们就能自己判断了。至于有人报告说:兵士们会拒绝听从命令,不再拔帜前进,他绝不因为这件事情动摇,他知道。凡是被兵士拒绝听从命令的人,不是因为措置失当,为命运所弃,就是因为被发现了某些罪行,贪污有据。而他凯撒的清白却可以从一生的行事中看出来,他的命运之好,也可以从厄尔维几之役中看出来。因而,他要把本来想过一些日子再做的事情,提到现在来做,次日夜间第四更就要移营前进,以便尽可能早一些知道,在他们中间,究竟是自尊心和责任感占上风呢,还是恐怖占上凤。即令真的再没别人肯跟他走,只剩第十军团跟着,他还是照样继续前进。毫无疑问,第十军团一定能够这样做,他们正可以做他的卫队。凯撒最宠爱这个军团,也最信任这个军团,因为他们很勇敢。




41

Upon the delivery of this speech, the minds of all were changed in a surprising manner, and the highest ardor and eagerness for prosecuting the war were engendered; and the tenth legion was the first to return thanks to him, through their military tribunes, for his having expressed this most favorable opinion of them; and assured him that they were quite ready to prosecute the war. Then, the other legions endeavored, through their military tribunes and the centurions of the principal companies, to excuse themselves to Caesar, [saying] that they had never either doubted or feared, or supposed that the determination of the conduct of the war was theirs and not their general's. Having accepted their excuse, and having had the road carefully reconnoitered by Diviciacus, because in him of all others he had the greatest faith [he found] that by a circuitous route of more than fifty miles he might lead his army through open parts; he then set out in the fourth watch, as he had said [he would]. On the seventh day, as he did not discontinue his march, he was informed by scouts that the forces of Ariovistus were only four and twenty miles distant from ours.

            

四一

这番话一说,全军的情绪都极奇妙地发生了变化,产生了要求马上投入战斗的巨大热情和渴望。第十军团因为得到他的好评,首先通过他们的军团指挥官们来向他道谢,并向他保证,他们已经作好一切战斗准备。其他各军团也通过他们的指挥官和首列百夫长,向凯撒作了解释,说:他们既不怀疑、恐惧,也不想妄自干预作战机宜,认识到这是应由统帅绝对掌握的事情。接受了这些解释,同时通过狄维契阿古斯——这是所有高卢人中最得他信任的一个——询明了道路,知道他可以绕道五十多罗里,领着军队从一条开阔平坦的路前进。他就照上面所说,在第四更起程。经过不断的行军,在第七天,侦察人员向他报告说:阿里奥维司都斯的军队,离我军已经只有二十四罗里了。




42

Upon being apprized of Caesar's arrival, Ariovistus sends embassadors to him, [saying] that what he had before requested as to a conference, might now, as far as his permission went, take place, since he [Caesar] had approached nearer, and he considered that he might now do it without danger. Caesar did not reject the proposal and began to think that he was now returning to a rational state of mind as he spontaneously proffered that which he had previously refused to him when requesting it; and was in great hopes that, in consideration of his own and the Roman people's great favors toward him, the issue would be that he would desist from his obstinacy upon his demands being made known. The fifth day after that was appointed as the day of conference. Meanwhile, as ambassadors were being often sent to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar should not bring any foot-soldier with him to the conference, [saying] that "he was afraid of being ensnared by him through treachery; that both should come accompanied by cavalry; that he would not come on any other condition." Caesar, as he neither wished that the conference should, by an excuse thrown in the way, be set aside, nor durst trust his life to the cavalry of the Gauls, decided that it would be most expedient to take away from the Gallic cavalry all their horses, and thereon to mount the legionary soldiers of the tenth legion, in which he placed the greatest confidence, in order that he might have a body-guard as trustworthy as possible, should there be any need for action. And when this was done, one of the soldiers of the tenth legion said, not without a touch of humor, "that Caesar did more for them than he had promised; he had promised to have the tenth legion in place of his praetorian cohort; but he now converted them into horse."

            

四二

阿里奥维司都斯知道凯撒到来,就派使者来到他这里,说:凯撒过去所要求的会谈,现在他可以同意了,因为凯撒现在离他近了些,他认为这样做已经毫无危险、凯撒没有拒绝这个建议,认为他终于恢复了理智,所以才能把过去拒绝过的要求,又主动答应下来。因而凯撒怀着很大的希望,认为阿里奥维司都斯可能看在自已和罗马人民对他的极大恩惠面上、在了解了他的要求之后。会改变自己的倔强态度的,就指定在这一夭之后的第五天,举行会谈。在这段时间中,他们之间常常有信使往返。阿里奥维司都斯要求凯撒不要带步兵到会谈的地方去,他深恐中了暗算,被包围起来,双方可只带骑兵到场,否则他就不参加会谈。凯撒既不愿意有任何枝节横插进来,可以给他们作为破坏会谈的借口,又不敢冒险把自己的安全托付给高卢骑兵,就决定一个最万全的办法,他把所有高卢骑兵的马都抽出来,让给最得他信任的第十军团的兵士们骑上,以便在万一发生什么变故时,他可以有一支最亲信的卫队。当这事在安排时,第十军团的某一个士兵开玩笑的说:凯撒现在做的事情,已经远远超过他的诺言,他原来只答应过第十军团担任卫队,现在却让他们当上骑士了。




43

There was a large plain, and in it a mound of earth of considerable size. This spot was at nearly an equal distance from both camps. Thither, as had been appointed, they came for the conference. Caesar stationed the legion, which he had brought [with him] on horseback, 200 paces from this mound. The cavalry of Ariovistus also took their stand at an equal distance. Ariovistus then demanded that they should confer on horseback, and that, besides themselves, they should bring with them ten men each to the conference. When they were come to the place, Caesar, in the opening of his speech, detailed his own and the senate's favors toward him [Ariovistus], in that he had been styled king, in that [he had been styled] friend, by the senate-in that very considerable presents had been sent him; which circumstance he informed him had both fallen to the lot of few, and had usually been bestowed in consideration of important personal services; that he, although he had neither an introduction, nor a just ground for the request, had obtained these honors through the kindness and munificence of himself [Caesar] and the senate. He informed him too, how old and how just were the grounds of connection that existed between themselves [the Romans] and the Aedui, what decrees of the senate had been passed in their favor, and how frequent and how honorable; how from time immemorial the Aedui had held the supremacy of the whole of Gaul; even [said Caesar] before they had sought our friendship; that it was the custom of the Roman people to desire not only that its allies and friends should lose none of their property, but be advanced in influence, dignity, and honor: who then could endure that what they had brought with them to the friendship of the Roman people should be torn from them?" He then made the same demands which he had commissioned the embassadors to make, that [Ariovistus] should not make war either upon the Aedui or their allies, that he should restore the hostages; that if he could not send back to their country any part of the Germans, he should at all events suffer none of them any more to cross the Rhine.

            

四三

那边有一片大平原,平原上有一个很大的土墩,这地方离开阿里奥维司都斯和凯撒的营寨恰好差不多远。他们就按上文所说,到那地方会谈。凯撒把他放在马上带去的军团士兵安顿在距土墩二百步之外,阿里奥维司都斯的骑兵也停驻在同样距离的地方。阿里奥维司都斯要求会谈在马背上进行,并且除本人之外,每人各带十名骑兵参加。当他们到达那地点后,凯撒在开始谈话时,首先提起他本人和元老院对阿里奥维司都斯的恩德一一例如元老院给他“国王”和“友人”的称号、赠送给他大批礼物等等一一并且指出,这种殊恩是很少有的,一向只在一个人有了极大的功劳时才授予,阿里奥维司都斯却既没有可以作为进身之阶的借口、也没有要求它的正当理由,只是由于他凯撒本人和元老院的仁爱和慷慨,才得到了这种殊荣。同时他又指出。罗马人和爱杜依人之间存在着多么古老、多么正当密切的关系,元老院怎样一而再、再而三、而且关怀备至地为他们作出过决议。爱杜依人差不多去古以来就掌握着高卢的霸权,甚至在他们谋求罗马人的友谊前就是如此。罗马人的习惯是向来不肯让同盟和友邦蒙受损失,而是只希望他们在声誉、尊严和光荣上有所增长的,怎么能听任他们早先带来和罗马人结交的东西被夺走呢?后来,凯撒又提出曾经委托使者提出过的要求,要阿里奥维司都斯既不对爱杜依人、也不对他们的同盟交战、并且交还人质。如果不能把一部分日耳曼人遣返回到原地。去,至少不再让别的日耳曼人渡莱茵河过来。




44

Ariovistus briefly replied to the demands of Caesar; but expatiated largely on his own virtues, "that he had crossed the Rhine not of his own accord, but on being invited and sent for by the Gauls; that he had not left home and kindred without great expectations and great rewards; that he had settlements in Gaul, granted by the Gauls themselves; that the hostages had been given by their good-will; that he took by right of war the tribute which conquerors are accustomed to impose on the conquered; that he had not made war upon the Gauls, but the Gauls upon him; that all the states of Gaul came to attack him, and had encamped against him; that all their forces had been routed and beaten by him in a single battle; that if they chose to make a second trial, he was ready to encounter them again; but if they chose to enjoy peace, it was unfair to refuse the tribute, which of their own free-will they had paid up to that time. That the friendship of the Roman people ought to prove to him an ornament and a safeguard, not a detriment; and that he sought it with that expectation. But if through the Roman people the tribute was to be discontinued, and those who surrendered to be seduced from him, he would renounce the friendship of the Roman people no less heartily than he had sought it. As to his leading over a host of Germans into Gaul, that he was doing this with a view of securing himself, not of assaulting Gaul: that there was evidence of this, in that he did not come without being invited, and in that he did not make war, but merely warded it off. That he had come into Gaul before the Roman people. That never before this time did a Roman army go beyond the frontiers of the province of Gaul. What [said he] does [Caesar] desire?—why come into his [Ariovistus] domains?—that this was his province of Gaul, just as that is ours. As it ought not to be pardoned in him, if he were to make an attack upon our territories; so, likewise, that we were unjust, to obstruct him in his prerogative. As for Caesar's saying that the Aedui had been styled 'brethren' by the senate, he was not so uncivilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to know that the Aedui in the very last war with the Allobroges had neither rendered assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the Roman people in the struggles which the Aedui had been maintaining with him and with the Sequani. He must feel suspicious, that Caesar, though feigning friendship as the reason for his keeping an army in Gaul, was keeping it with the view of crushing him. And that unless he depart and withdraw his army from these parts, he shall regard him not as a friend, but as a foe; and that, even if he should put him to death, he should do what would please many of the nobles and leading men of the Roman people; he had assurance of that from themselves through their messengers, and could purchase the favor and the friendship of them all by his [Caesar's] death. But if he would depart and resign to him the free possession of Gaul, he would recompense him with a great reward, and would bring to a close whatever wars he wished to be carried on, without any trouble or risk to him."

            

四四

阿里奥维司都斯对凯撒的要求回答得很少,却对自己的勇敢大加吹嘘。他说:他之所以渡过莱茵河,不是出于自愿。而是高卢人要求和邀请来的。没有很大的希望和很大的酬报,他们不会轻易离开家乡。在高卢取得的安身之处,是他们自己让出来的,人质也是他们自愿给的,取得贡赋是战争的权利,这是战胜者惯常加给被征服者的。他没有把战争硬加给高卢人,而是高卢人对他作战,全高卢各邦都起来攻击他,在他对面旗鼓森严地扎下了营寨,但他们却被他一战便击败并且征服了。如果他们愿意重新再试一下,他也准备再作一次决战;要是他们愿意和平,按道理说,就得缴纳贡赋,他们不是到今天还自愿缴纳吗?对他来说,罗马人民的友谊应该是一种装饰、一种保障,而不是一种障碍,他原来就是按照这种想法去谋求友谊的。假如因为罗马人出来说活,他就要取销贡赋、放过投降者,那他就宁愿把罗马人的友谊抛掉,抛的时候也会跟谋求它的时候同样轻松愉快。至于他之所以把大批日耳曼人带到高卢来。目的的是保卫自己而不是攻击高卢人。譬如说,他没接到邀请自己不过来、也不主动发动战争而只是自卫,这些都是很好的证明。他进人高卢比罗马人早,在这个时间以前,罗马人的军队从来没越出过高卢行省的边界。他凯撒究竟要怎样?为什么要到他占有的地方来?这里是他领有的高卢,跟那边是罗马人领有的一样。如果是他侵犯罗马人领有的疆界,自然不该原谅,罗马人去干扰他的统治。也同样是不合理的事情。至于说到元老院把爱杜依人称做“兄弟”,他也不是那么野蛮不懂事,竟然不知道新近爱杜依人在阿罗布洛及斯一役中没给罗马人帮助,而爱社依人在自己跟塞广尼人所作的斗争中。也没受到罗马人的帮助。他不得不怀疑凯撒虽然表面上装做友好,但在高卢保留一支军队,却是为了打击他的。除非凯撒离开并且把军队带出这个地区,否则他就不认为他是友人而是个仇敌了。如果他杀死了凯撒,就可以讨好许多罗马的显贵和要人一一他是直接从他们自己的使者们口中得知的——凯撒的死可以替他换来所有这些人的感激和友谊。要是凯撒肯离开,把高卢让给他自由自在地占领下去,他会重重酬报他,而且可以奉陪他作一次他爱怎样打就怎样打的战争,一点不用费心血,担风险。




45

Many things were stated by Caesar to the effect [to show]; "why he could not waive the business, and that neither his nor the Roman people's practice would suffer him to abandon most meritorious allies, nor did he deem that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to the Roman people; that the Arverni and the Ruteni had been subdued in war by Quintus Fabius Maximus, and that the Roman people had pardoned them and had not reduced them into a province or imposed a tribute upon them. And if the most ancient period was to be regarded-then was the sovereignty of the Roman people in Gaul most just: if the decree of the Senate was to be observed, then ought Gaul to be free, which they [the Romans] had conquered in war, and had permitted to enjoy its own laws."

            

四五

凯撒说了很多话来表明他为什么不能把这件事置之度外。无论他本人还是罗马人民。从来都没忍心抛弃过真诚不渝的朋友不管,他也不承认阿里奥维司都斯比罗马人更有权占据高卢。阿浮尔尼人和卢登尼人都曾被奎因都斯•费庇乌斯•马克西姆斯在战争中打败过,罗马人民却宽恕了他们,既未把他们的国家改做行省,也没征收他们的贡赋。因而,如果以时间先后作为标准,罗马人统授高卢就应该是最合理的事情。再说,如果元老院的决议应该遵守。那末,既然元老院在高卢人被征服之后仍旧给了他们自治的权利,就应该让他们自由下去。




46

While these things are being transacted in the conference it was announced to Caesar that the cavalry of Ariovistus were approaching nearer the mound, and were riding up to our men, and casting stones and weapons at them. Caesar made an end of his speech and betook himself to his men; and commanded them that they should by no means return a weapon upon the enemy. For though he saw that an engagement with the cavalry would be without any danger to his chosen legion, yet he did not think proper to engage, lest, after the enemy were routed, it might be said that they had been insnared by him under the sanction of a conference. When it was spread abroad among the common soldiery with what haughtiness Ariovistus had behaved at the conference, and how he had ordered the Romans to quit Gaul, and how his cavalry had made an attack upon our men, and how this had broken off the conference, a much greater alacrity and eagerness for battle was infused into our army.

            

四六

当这些事情正在会谈时,凯撒得到报告说:阿里奥维司都斯的骑兵,正在走近那土墩,朝我们靠拢,并向我军投射矢石。凯撒结束了讲话,回到自己的军队那边,命令他们无论如何不要向敌人还发一件武器。因为他虽然明知经他挑选出来的军团士兵和敌人骑兵交锋,毫无危险,但还是认为不应当动手,免得敌人被击败之后,会说他们是被他借谈判之名骗来加以包围的。后来,阿里奥维司都斯在谈判中怎样傲慢不逊、怎样想把罗马人驱逐出高卢全境之外,他的骑兵又怎样攻击我军、以致怎样中断了谈判等等,全都在我军大伙中传开了,一种摩拳擦掌,亟亟欲战的心情在全军传布开来。




47

Two days after, Ariovistus sends embassadors to Caesar, to state "that he wished to treat with him about those things which had been begun to be treated of between them, but had not been concluded;" [and to beg] that "he would either again appoint a day for a conference; or, if he were not willing to do that, that he would send one of his [officers] as an embassador to him." There did not appear to Caesar any good reason for holding a conference; and the more so as the day before the Germans could not be restrained from casting weapons at our men. He thought he should not without great danger send to him as embassador one of his [Roman] officers, and should expose him to savage men. It seemed [therefore] most proper to send to him Gaius Valerius Procillus, the son of Gaius Valerius Caburus, a young man of the highest courage and accomplishments (whose father had been presented with the freedom of the city by Gaius Valerius Flaccus), both on account of his fidelity and on account of his knowledge of the Gallic language, which Ariovistus, by long practice, now spoke fluently; and because in his case the Germans would have no motive for committing violence; and [as his colleague] Marcus Mettius, who had shared the hospitality of Ariovistus. He commissioned them to learn what Ariovistus had to say, and to report to him. But when Ariovistus saw them before him in his camp, he cried out in the presence of his army, "Why were they come to him? Was it for the purpose of acting as spies?" He stopped them when attempting to speak, and cast them into chains.

            

四七

两天之后,阿里奥维司都斯派使者来见凯撒,说他愿意把他们之间已经开始但未结束的那些事情继续谈下去。或者由他重新定一个谈判的日子、或者如果他本人不愿意,可以在他的副将中派一个人到他那边去。凯撒认为已经没有再会谈的必要。特别是前天那些日耳曼人一直向我们投掷矢石,止都止不住。他还认为把自己的副将派一个到他那边去做使者,听其落人蛮族手中,是一件极危险的事情。看来最合适的还是派该犹斯。瓦雷密斯•卡蒲勒斯的儿子该犹斯•瓦雷留斯•普洛契勒斯到他那边去,这是一个极勇敢、极有教养的青年,他的父亲是由该犹斯•瓦雷留斯•弗拉古斯授与公民权的。派他去,既是为了他的忠诚,也是为了他对高卢语言的熟练——阿里奥维司都斯由于长期使用这种语言,也已经说得很好——而且象他这样一个人,日耳曼人实在没有要伤害他的理由。陪同他一起去的还有马古斯•梅久斯,这是个已经以客人身分受阿里奥维司都斯款待过的人。他委托他们去了解阿里奥维司都斯有什么话要说,回来报告给他。但当阿里奥维司都斯在营中见到他们时,当着他的军队就叫了起来:“你们为什么到我这里来?是不是来当间谍的?”在他们想要发言时,他阻止了他们,把他们锁了起来。




48

The same day he moved his camp forward and pitched under a hill six miles from Caesar's camp. The day following he led his forces past Caesar's camp, and encamped two miles beyond him; with this design that he might cut off Caesar from the corn and provisions, which might be conveyed to him from the Sequani and the Aedui. For five successive days from that day, Caesar drew out his forces before the camp, and put them in battle order, that, if Ariovistus should be willing to engage in battle, an opportunity might not be wanting to him. Ariovistus all this time kept his army in camp: but engaged daily in cavalry skirmishes. The method of battle in which the Germans had practiced themselves was this. There were 6,000 horse, and as many very active and courageous foot, one of whom each of the horse selected out of the whole army for his own protection. By these [foot] they were constantly accompanied in their engagements; to these the horse retired; these on any emergency rushed forward; if any one, upon receiving a very severe wound, had fallen from his horse, they stood around him: if it was necessary to advance further than usual, or to retreat more rapidly, so great, from practice, was their swiftness, that, supported by the manes of the horses, they could keep pace with their speed.

            

四八

同一天,他把他的营寨向前移动,在离凯撒的营地六罗里的一座山下安扎下来。就在这第二天,他又领着他的军队越过凯撒的营寨,在距他两罗里处安下营,想借此把从塞广尼人和爱杜依人处运来支持凯撒的粮食和供应截断。这天之后接连五天,凯撒每天都把他的军队领到营寨前面,按战斗的阵势布置好,如果阿里奥维司都斯想作战,好让他随时都有机会。但阿里奥维司都斯在这些日子里,一直把他的军队关在营里不出来,只以骑兵天天作些小接触。日耳曼人练习有素的战术是这样的:他们大约用六千骑兵,配备了同样数目的极敏捷、极勇敢的步兵,这些步兵都是骑兵们为了自身的安全,各人挑一个,从全部军队中选出来的,在战斗中跟他们配合在一起,骑兵撤退时就退向他们那边去,如果发生什么紧急情况,他们也很迅速的冲向前接应,有人受重伤从马上跌下来,他们便立在他四周团团围住保护他,如果需要前进得更远或撤退得更迅速时,他们的速度也练得非常之快,只要攀着马鬃,就可以随同骑兵一起进退。




49

Perceiving that Ariovistus kept himself in camp, Caesar, that he might not any longer be cut off from provisions, chose a convenient position for a camp beyond that place in which the Germans had encamped, at about 600 paces from them, and having drawn up his army in three lines, marched to that place. He ordered the first and second lines to be under arms; the third to fortify the camp. This place was distant from the enemy about 600 paces, as has been stated. Thither Ariovistus sent light troops, about 16,000 men in number, with all his cavalry; which forces were to intimidate our men, and hinder them in their fortification. Caesar nevertheless, as he had before arranged, ordered two lines to drive off the enemy: the third to execute the work. The camp being fortified, he left there two legions and a portion of the auxiliaries; and led back the other four legions into the larger camp.

            

四九

凯撒看到他闭守在营中,觉得自己的给养不能一直这样让他阻截下去,就在日耳曼人扎营的那地方之外,离开他们的营寨大约六百步左右,选择一个适于扎营的地方,把自己的军队分成三列,向那地方赶去。他命令第一、第二两列武装戒备,第三列构筑工事。前面已经说过这地方离敌营约六百步左右,阿里奥维司都斯派去六千轻装步兵和全体骑兵,用以威胁我军,并阻止我军构筑工事。尽管这样,凯撒还是按照事先拟订的计划,命令两列军士阻击敌人,第三列完成了工事。营寨的防御工事完成后,他留下两个军团和一部分辅助部队,把其余的四个军团仍带回大营。




50

The next day, according to his custom, Caesar led out his forces from both camps, and having advanced a little from the larger one, drew up his line of battle, and gave the enemy an opportunity of fighting. When he found that they did not even then come out [from their intrenchments,] he led back his army into camp about noon. Then at last Ariovistus sent part of his forces to attack the lesser camp. The battle was vigorously maintained on both sides till the evening. At sunset, after many wounds had been inflicted and received, Ariovistus led back his forces into camp. When Caesar inquired of his prisoners, wherefore Ariovistus did not come to an engagement, he discovered this to be the reason-that among the Germans it was the custom for their matrons to pronounce from lots and divination, whether it were expedient that the battle should be engaged in or not; that they had said, "that it was not the will of heaven that the Germans should conquer, if they engaged in battle before the new moon."

            

五〇

次日,凯撒仍照他原来的做法,把他的军队从这两个营中带出来,在大营前面不远的地方列下战阵,给敌人一个战斗的机会。当他发现敌人还是不肯出来时,就在中午前后,把他的军队仍领回营寨。阿里奥维司都斯终于派出一部分军队去进攻那个小营,双方一直激战到傍晚,太阳落山时,阿里奥维司都斯才把他那支受伤很多、伤人也不少的部队带回去。凯撒询问俘虏们为什么阿里奥维司都斯不出来一决胜负,发现其原因是这样的:原来日耳曼人中有一个习俗,作战有利与否,要由他们族里的老奶奶们经过占卜,请教过神愉之后再宣布。她们说:如果在新月出来以前作战,神意不会让日耳曼人得胜。




51

The day following, Caesar left what seemed sufficient as a guard for both camps; [and then] drew up all the auxiliaries in sight of the enemy, before the lesser camp, because he was not very powerful in the number of legionary soldiers, considering the number of the enemy; that [thereby] he might make use of his auxiliaries for appearance. He himself, having drawn up his army in three lines, advanced to the camp of the enemy. Then at last of necessity the Germans drew their forces out of camp, and disposed them canton by canton, at equal distances, the Harudes, Marcomanni, Tribocci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, Suevi; and surrounded their whole army with their chariots and wagons, that no hope might be left in flight. On these they placed their women, who, with disheveled hair and in tears, entreated the soldiers, as they went forward to battle, not to deliver them into slavery to the Romans.

            

五一

就这一天的次日,凯撒在两个营中各自留下大致足够防守的兵力之后,在小营前把全部辅助部队面对敌人布下阵来。因为他的军团士兵比起敌人来要少得多,就借辅助部队壮壮声势。他自己则把军队分为三列,一直向敌人的营寨推进。日耳曼人终于被形势所迫,也把他们的军队开出营寨来,阿鲁得斯人、马可蒙尼人、得里布契人、驻琼内斯人、内美德斯人、优杜西人和苏威皮人,一族接一族隔相等的距离布置下来。全军四周都用自己的四轮车和辎重车团团围住,使大家没有脱逃和幸免的希望。车上载着妇女们,她们伸出双手,痛哭流涕地哀求那些正在进人战斗的战士们,不要让她们落到罗马人手里去当奴隶。




52

Caesar appointed over each legion a legate and a quaestor, that every one might have them as witnesses of his valor. He himself began the battle at the head of the right wing, because he had observed that part of the enemy to be the least strong. Accordingly our men, upon the signal being given, vigorously made an attack upon the enemy, and the enemy so suddenly and rapidly rushed forward, that there was no time for casting the javelins at them. Throwing aside [therefore] their javelins, they fought with swords hand to hand. But the Germans, according to their custom, rapidly forming a phalanx, sustained the attack of our swords. There were found very many of our soldiers who leaped upon the phalanx, and with their hands tore away the shields, and wounded the enemy from above. Although the army of the enemy was routed on the left wing and put to flight, they [still] pressed heavily on our men from the right wing, by the great number of their troops. On observing which, Publius Crassus, a young man, who commanded the cavalry—as he was more disengaged than those who were employed in the fight-sent the third line as a relief to our men who were in distress.

            

五二

凯撒给每个军团都派去一个副将或财务官,以便每个人都可以由他们来证明自己的勇敢。他自己则在右翼加入战斗,因为他观察到这一边的敌人最为脆弱。在战斗的号令一下,我军猛烈向敌人进攻时,敌人的推进也极为突然和迅速,使我军连向敌人投掷轻矛的机会都没有。他们只能抛掉矛,手接手地用剑迎战。日耳曼人很快就按照他们的习惯,结成方阵来迎接我军的剑击,这时,发现我军中有许多人都跳到敌人的方阵上去,用手拉开盾,从上向下刺伤敌人。当敌人的阵列左翼被我军击退并驱散时,他们的右翼仍以大量兵力紧紧地压迫着我军。统率骑兵的小布勃密斯•克拉苏斯看到这情况——他比在行列中战斗的人行动可以自由一些——就把第三列军队派上来帮助手忙脚乱的我军。




53

Thereupon the engagement was renewed, and all the enemy turned their backs, nor did they cease to flee until they arrived at the river Rhine, about fifty miles from that place. There some few, either relying on their strength, endeavored to swim over, or, finding boats, procured their safety. Among the latter was Ariovistus, who meeting with a small vessel tied to the bank, escaped in it; our horse pursued and slew all the rest of them. Ariovistus had two wives, one a Suevan by nation, whom he brought with him from home; the other a Norican, the sister of king Vocion, whom he had married in Gaul, she having been sent [thither for that purpose] by her brother. Both perished in that flight. Of their two daughters, one was slain, the other captured. Gaius Valerius Procillus, as he was being dragged by his guards in the fight, bound with a triple chain, fell into the hands of Caesar himself, as he was pursuing the enemy with his cavalry. This circumstance indeed afforded Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself; because he saw a man of the first rank in the province of Gaul, his intimate acquaintance and friend, rescued from the hand of the enemy, and restored to him, and that fortune had not diminished aught of the joy and exultation [of that day] by his destruction. He [Procillus] said that, in his own presence, the lots had been thrice consulted respecting him, whether he should immediately be put to death by fire, or be reserved for another time: that by the favor of the lots he was uninjured. Marcus Mettius, also, was found and brought back to him [Caesar.]

            

五三

于是,战斗又重新恢复,所有的敌人都转身逃走,一直达到离那地方约五罗里的莱茵河才停止。在那边,有少数人,或则倚恃自己的精力,努力泅水渡过了河,或则寻得小船,逃出性命。阿里奥维司都斯也是其中之一,他看到一只系在岸边的小船,借此逃了出去。其余的人全部被我军追上杀死。阿里奥维司都斯有两个妻子,一个是苏威皮人,是他从家乡带出来的,另一个是他在高卢娶的诺列古姆人,是国王沃克契奥的妹妹,她是由她的哥哥送到高卢来跟阿里奥维司都斯结婚的。这两人都在逃奔中死去。他的两个女儿,一个被杀,一个被俘。该犹斯•瓦雷留斯•普洛契勒斯在身带三重锁链,由监守的人牵着奔逃时,恰巧落在带着骑兵追赶敌人的凯撒本人手里,这件事情带给凯撒本人的喜悦,并不亚于战胜敌人这件事本身,因为他看到高卢行省的这位最最尊贵的人、他的好友和贵宾,居然能从敌人手里抢出来还给他,命运之神总算没有用他的灾难来使这场喜事大煞风景。据普洛契勒斯自己说,敌人曾经当着他的面,占卜过三次,询问究竟马上杀死他好还是留待日后好,占卜的结果有利于他,才得保全至今。同样,马古斯•梅久斯也被找到了,带到凯撒这边来。




54

This battle having been reported beyond the Rhine, the Suevi, who had come to the banks of that river, began to return home, when the Ubii, who dwelt nearest to the Rhine, pursuing them, while much alarmed, slew a great number of them. Caesar having concluded two very important wars in one campaign, conducted his army into winter quarters among the Sequani, a little earlier than the season of the year required. He appointed Labienus over the winter-quarters, and set out in person for Hither Gaul to hold the assizes. Parallel sourcesCicero's Letters: 58 BCFootnotes↑ 61 BC. ↑ i.e. the 28th of March. ↑ 58 BC. ↑ In 107 BC, against the Cimbri, in the territory of the Allobroges. ↑ April 12th. ↑ Caesar was consul in 59 BC.

            

五四

这场战事的消息传过莱茵河,已经到达河边的苏威皮人听到后,开始回家。住在离开莱茵河不远的那些人,趁他们正在万分惊惶时追上他们,杀死他们中的大部分人。凯撒在一个夏季中完成了两个重要战役之后,就把军队带进冬令营,在时令上比这一年实际上需要的还早了一些。留下拉频弩斯主持冬令营之后,他赶向内高卢主持巡回审判大会去了。


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